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Amasjanska pogodba - zgodovina

Amasjanska pogodba - zgodovina


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Amasjanska pogodba
Leta 1555 je bila med Otomanskim cesarstvom in Perzijo podpisana Amasyjska pogodba. S tem se je končala vojna med strankama. Pod njenimi pogoji je Perzija priznala osmansko suverenost nad Irakom.


Mir v Amasyi

The Mir v Amasyi (Perzijsko: پیمان آماسیه ("Peymān-e Amasiyeh") turščina: Amasya Antlaşması) je bila pogodba, sprejeta 29. maja 1555 med šahom in#8197Tahmaspom iz Safavida  Iran in sultanom Sulejmanom    Veličanstvo Osmanskega  Emparija v mestu Amasya, po Osmansko -Safavidovih & 819715 & 819715 .

Pogodba je določila mejo med Iranom in Otomanskim cesarstvom, sledilo pa je dvajset let miru. S to pogodbo sta bili Armenija in Gruzija enako razdeljeni med obema, pri čemer sta zahodna  Armenija, zahodni Kurdistan in zahodna Gruzija (vključno z zahodnim Samtskhejem) v osmanskih rokah, vzhodna  Armenija, vzhodni Kurdistan in vzhodna Gruzija (vključno z vzhodno Gruzijo) Samtskhe) je ostal v iranskih rokah. [1] Osmansko cesarstvo je pridobilo večino Iraka, vključno z Bagdadom, kar jim je omogočilo dostop do Perzijskega zaliva, medtem ko so Perzijci obdržali nekdanjo prestolnico Tabriz in vsa druga severozahodna ozemlja na Kavkazu in tako kot pred vojnami, na primer Dagestan in vse, kar je danes Azerbajdžan. [2] [3] [4] Tako vzpostavljena meja je potekala čez gore, ki so delile vzhodno in zahodno Gruzijo (pod domorodnimi vazalnimi knezi), skozi Armenijo in skozi zahodna pobočja Zagrosa do Perzijskega zaliva.

Vzhodno in#8197Anatolijo je bilo vzpostavljenih več varovalnih con, na primer v Erzurumu, Shahrizorju in Vanju. [5] Kars je bil razglašen za nevtralen, njegova obstoječa trdnjava pa je bila uničena. [6] [7]

Osmanlije so poleg tega perzijskim romarjem zagotovili dostop do muslimanskih svetih mest Meke in Medine ter do shitskih svetih romarskih mest v Iraku. [8]

Odločilni ločitev Kavkaza in nepreklicna predaja Mezopotamije Osmanlijam sta se zgodili po naslednji veliki mirovni pogodbi, znani kot Pogodba  od  Zuhaba leta 1639 CE/AD. [9]

Drug izraz pogodbe je bil, da so morali Safavidi odpraviti ritualno preklinjanje prvih treh rašidunskih kalifov, [10] Aiše in drugih sahabcev (tovarišev Mohameda), ki so jih suniti zelo cenili. Ta pogoj je bil pogosta zahteva osmansko-safavidskih pogodb [11] in v tem primeru je bil za Tahmasp ponižujoč. [12]


Mir v Amasyi

The Mir v Amasyi (Perzijsko: پیمان آماسیه turško: Amasya Antlaşması ) je bila pogodba, sklenjena 29. maja 1555 med šahom Tahmaspom iz iranskega Safavida in sultanom Sulejmanom Veličastnim Osmanskega cesarstva v mestu Amasya po osmansko -safavidski vojni 1532–1555.

Pogodba je določila mejo med Iranom in Otomanskim cesarstvom, sledilo pa je dvajset let miru. S to pogodbo sta bili Armenija in Gruzija med seboj razdeljeni enako (Zahodna Armenija in zahodna Gruzija sta v turških rokah, Vzhodna Armenija in vzhodna Gruzija pa v iranskih rokah) je Otomansko cesarstvo pridobilo večino Iraka, vključno z Bagdadom, ki jim je dal dostopa do Perzijskega zaliva, Perzijci pa so obdržali nekdanjo prestolnico Tabriz in vsa druga severozahodna ozemlja na Kavkazu in kot so bili pred vojnami, na primer Dagestan in vse današnje Azerbajdžan. [1] [2] [3] Tako vzpostavljena meja je potekala čez gore, ki so delile vzhodno in zahodno Gruzijo (pod domorodnimi vazalnimi knezi), skozi Armenijo in skozi zahodna pobočja Zagrosa do Perzijskega zaliva.

Po vsej vzhodni Anatoliji je bilo vzpostavljenih več varovalnih ali nevtralnih območij, na primer v Karsu, kjer je bila obstoječa trdnjava uničena. [4]

Osmanlije so nadalje dovolile perzijskim romarjem obisk svetih krajev Meke in Medine ter shitskih romarskih mest v Iraku. [5]

Odločilni ločitev Kavkaza in nepreklicna prepustitev Mezopotamije Osmanski Turčiji sta se zgodila po naslednji veliki mirovni pogodbi, znani kot Zuhabska pogodba sredi 17. stoletja. [6]

Drug pogoj pogodbe je bil, da so morali Safavidi odpraviti ritualno preklinjanje prvih treh rašidunskih kalifov, [7] Ajše in drugih sahabov (tovarišev Mohameda), ki so jih suniti zelo cenili. Ta pogoj je bil običajna zahteva osmansko-safavidskih pogodb [8] in v tem primeru je bil za Tahmasp ponižujoč. [9]


Brest-Litovska pogodba: 3. marec 1918

V začetku decembra 1917 je bilo sklenjeno premirje, 15. decembra pa je bila razglašena uradna prekinitev ognja, vendar se je določitev mirovnih pogojev med Rusijo in osrednjimi silami izkazala za veliko bolj zapleteno. Pogajanja so se začela 22. decembra v Brest-Litovsku. V delegaciji so bili zunanji ministri Leon Trotsky (1879-1940) iz Rusije, Richard von Kuhlmann iz Nemčije in avstrijski grof Ottokar Czernin.

Sredi februarja so se pogovori prelomili, ko je jezen Trocki menil, da so pogoji osrednjih sil preveč strogi, njihove zahteve po ozemlju pa nesprejemljive. Boji so se na vzhodni fronti za kratek čas nadaljevali, vendar so nemške vojske hitro napredovale, Lenin in Trocki pa sta kmalu spoznala, da bo Rusija v oslabljenem stanju prisiljena popustiti sovražnim pogojem. Pogajanja so se nadaljevala pozneje istega meseca in 3. marca 1918 je bila podpisana končna pogodba.

S pogoji iz Brest-Litovske pogodbe je Rusija priznala neodvisnost Ukrajine, Gruzija in Finska so Nemčiji in Avstro-Ogrski odstopile Poljsko ter baltske države Litvo, Latvijo in Estonijo ter Turčiji odstopile Kars, Ardahan in Batum. Skupne izgube so predstavljale približno 1 milijon kvadratnih kilometrov nekdanjega ozemlja Rusije tretjino njenega prebivalstva ali približno 55 milijonov ljudi večino zalog premoga, nafte in železa ter velik del njene industrije. Lenin je naselje grenko imenoval tisto brezno poraza, razkosavanja, zasužnjevanja in ponižanja. ”


Waitangijska pogodba

Oddelek Waitangijske pogodbe vsebuje gradivo, prvotno najdeno na www.treatyofwaitangi.govt.nz, spletnem mestu, ki ga je razvila informacijska enota Pogodbe pri Komisiji za državne službe. Gradivo s tega spletnega mesta je bilo združeno z drugimi temami v zgodovini NZ, da bi zagotovilo vrsto funkcij o Waitangijski pogodbi in dnevu Waitangi. Oglejte si informacije o knjižicah Pogodbe, CD-romu, plakatih in knjigi zgodb za otroke, ki jih je izdelal SSC

Pogodba na kratko

Kratka zgodba o tem, kako je bil ustanovljen ustanovni dokument Nove Zelandije - in kako živi. Vključuje razdelek Pogosta vprašanja. več.

Preberite Pogodbo

Preberite Pogodbo v angleščini in maorščini. Preglejte in primerjajte različice ter poiščite prevode v drugih jezikih. več.

Podpisniki pogodb in mesta podpisa

Dokument iz leta 1840 se je dolgo pripravljal, veliko potovanj je bilo namenjenih zbiranju večinoma podpisov na devetih različnih listih. več.

Dan Waitangi

Raziščite izvor državnega dne Nove Zelandije. Potovanje nazaj v leto 1932, ko so državi podpisali pogodbo in podlago. več.

Časovni okvir pogodbe

Kronologija ključnih dogodkov pri oblikovanju pogodbe in njen trajni vpliv na novozelandsko družbo.

Pogodba v praksi

Pogodba je od podpisa leta 1840 še naprej močno (čeprav včasih subtilno) vplivala na nacionalno zgodbo. več.

Te Wiki o Te Reo Māori - Teden jezika Māori

Raziščite bistvene korenine jezika maori in zvok te reo. Naučite se 100 bistvenih besed Māori, ki bi jih moral poznati vsak Novozelandec. več.

Življenjepisi pogodbe

Kdo so bili glavni akterji pri oblikovanju pogodbe? več.


Državna osamosvojitvena vojna

Po premirju Mondros je bila večina osmanskih dežel razdeljena med države zmagovalke. Posledično so se v Anatoliji in Trakiji začele pojavljati različne obrambne fronte in odporniške organizacije. Turški ljudje so morali ta odporna prizadevanja spremeniti v gibanje polne neodvisnosti, kar je bilo mogoče doseči le pod vodstvom Mustafe Kemala. Ko je 19. maja 1919 Mustafa Kemal pristal v Samsunu kot inšpektor vojske, se je začela štiriletna nacionalna vojna za neodvisnost. Okrožnica, izdana v Amasyi 22. junija 1919, je bila poziv in razglasitev narodne osvoboditve. Sledila sta kongresa Erzurum in Sivas. Na kongresu v Erzurumu je turško ljudstvo svojo odločenost za nacionalno neodvisnost vsem svetu pokazalo na naslednji način: & ldquoDežele domovine v nacionalnih mejah so celota in jih ni mogoče razdeliti. Mandati in pokroviteljstva so nesprejemljivi & rdquo.

Države Antante so 16. marca 1920 zasedle Istanbul in razpustile osmanski parlament. Nekateri poslanci so bili aretirani, nekateri pa so odšli v Ankaro, da bi se pridružili boju za nacionalno neodvisnost.

Velika narodna skupščina Turčije (TGNA) je bila ustanovljena 23. aprila 1920 v Ankari, Mustafa Kemal pa je bil izvoljen za predsednika skupščine. Ta skupščina bo odslej v imenu naroda vodila boj za nacionalno neodvisnost. Po imenovanju vrhovnega poveljnika Mustafe Kemala se je začela vojna proti imperialističnim silam na vseh frontah. Medtem je 10. avgusta 1920 vlada v Istanbulu podpisala Sevrsko pogodbo, ki je vključevala zelo ostre določbe za Turke.

Mustafa Kemal in vlada Ankare nista priznala Sevrske pogodbe. V vzhodni Anatoliji se je začel boj pod poveljstvom Kazima Karabekirja, ki je bil uspešno zaključen. Posledično je bil 2. decembra 1920 z Armenijo podpisan sporazum G & uumlmr & uuml. To je bil prvi mednarodni sporazum, katerega podpisnica je bila TGNA. Težave na vzhodni fronti so bile popolnoma odpravljene z Moskovsko pogodbo, podpisano z Rusijo 16. marca 1921, in Karškim sporazumom, podpisanim z Armenijo, Azerbajdžanom in Gruzijo 13. oktobra 1921. Na zahodni fronti so grške sile, ki so zasedle Izmir, 15. maja 1919 in začeli napredovati v egejskem območju so bili med prvim in drugim İn & oumln & uuml bojem (januar-april 1921) vrnjeni nazaj, kasneje pa so v bitki pri Sakaryi (avgust-september 1921) doživeli hud poraz. Prav tako so bile francoske sile umaknjene iz Adane in njene okolice v skladu z Ankarskim sporazumom (oktober 1921), podpisanim s Francijo. Po tem so bile vse sile in sredstva države pripravljene za splošno ofenzivo na zahodni fronti. Grške sile so bile poražene v veliki ofenzivi in ​​bitki pri vrhovnem poveljniku (avgust 1922). Izmir je bil osvobojen 9. septembra 1922. Ta vojaški uspeh je pospešil proces ustanovitve nove republike. Mudanya premirje je bilo podpisano med vlado Ankare in državami antante (11. oktober 1922), dogovorjeno pa je bilo, da bo kasneje v Lausanni potekala konferenca za pogajanja o določbah mirovne pogodbe. Vendar pa je dodatno povabilo držav antante vladi Istanbula končalo sultanat. TGNA je ločila kalifat od sultanata in ukinila sultanat 1. novembra 1922. Posledično je zadnji otomanski sultan Mehmet VI (Vahideddin) 17. novembra 1922 odšel iz Istanbula.

Lausanne mirovna pogodba (24. julij 1923): Pogajanja v Lausanni, v katerih je kot edina predstavnica sodelovala vlada Ankare, so se začela 21. novembra 1922. Minister za zunanje zadeve İsmet Paša (İn & oumln & uuml) je med pogajanji, ki so bila februarja 1923 prekinjena, predsedoval turški delegaciji. nesoglasja glede prihodnosti kapitulacij. Vendar so se pogovori nadaljevali na podlagi zapisa İsmet Pasha & rsquos z dne 23. aprila 1923. Podpis mirovne pogodbe, ki je vseboval 143 členov, 17 prilog, protokolov in deklaracij, je zaključil nacionalno vojno za neodvisnost. Tako je bila vlada TGNA uradno priznana, Turčije postavljene državne meje, odpravljene kapitulacije, prestrukturirani osmanski dolgovi ter posledično politična in gospodarska neodvisnost ter pravica do suverenosti Turčije. Pogodbo, podpisano v švicarski Lausanni 24. julija 1923, je TGNA ratificirala 23. avgusta 1923.


Süleyman I.

Zadnja leta Selima so v Istanbulu utrjevali nadvlado sultanata, izkoriščali ugled in prihodke, ki so bili posledica njegovih zmag na vzhodu. Šele med dolgim ​​vladanjem svojega sina in naslednika Süleymana I. (vladal 1520–66), ki so ga v Evropi imenovali »Veličastni« in »Zakonodajalec« (Kanuni), so bili temelji popolnoma postavljeni uporabljali za vzpostavitev klasične osmanske države in družbe ter za nova pomembna osvajanja na vzhodu in zahodu. Zaradi očetove politike in uspehov je Süleyman prevzel prestol s položajem, ki mu ni bil enak nobenemu sultanu pred ali po njem. Ostal je brez nasprotovanja in z veliko mero nadzora nad devşirme razreda, pa tudi nad ostanki turških uglednikov. Osvajanje arabskega sveta je podvojilo prihodke zakladnice, ne da bi naložilo pomembne dodatne finančne obveznosti, tako da je Süleymanu ostalo bogastvo in moč, neprimerljiva v osmanski zgodovini. Čeprav Süleyman ni nikoli v celoti izkoristil priložnosti, ki so mu ostale, in je pravzaprav začel proces osmanskega propada, je njegova vladavina še vedno zaznamovala vrhunec osmanske veličine in je vedno veljala za zlato dobo osmanske zgodovine.

Glavni bojišči osmanske širitve v Evropi pod Süleymanom sta bili Madžarska in Sredozemlje. Šibke jugovzhodne evropske sovražnike Süleymanovih predhodnikov je nadomestila močna dinastija Habsburg, ki so jo okrepili papeževi pozivi po vsej Evropi proti grožnji (kristjanom) islama. Süleymanov glavni evropski zaveznik je bila Francija, ki je skušala uporabiti osmanski pritisk na jugu, da bi zmanjšala pritisk Habsburžanov na vzhodnih mejah. Kopenska vojna s Habsburžani je bila osredotočena na Madžarsko in je potekala v treh glavnih fazah. Od leta 1520 do 1526 je neodvisno ogrsko kraljestvo nosilo neposredno breme osmanskega napada in je delovalo kot varovalka med dvema velikima imperijema, toda šibki kralj Ludvik II. Iz Madžarske in Češke ter fevdalna anarhija in zmota sta onemogočila enotno obrambo. Razkol med madžarskimi plemiči glede vprašanja sprejema habsburške oblasti, skupaj z družbenimi in nacionalnimi delitvami, ki jih je spodbudila reformacija, je dodatno oslabil nasprotovanje osmanskemu napadu. Posledično je Süleymanu leta 1521 uspelo zavzeti Beograd in odpreti pot za obsežen napredek severno od Donave. Edina prava vojska, ki so jo lahko zbrali madžarski plemiči, je bila poražena leta 1526 v bitki pri Mohaču, smrt Ludvika II pa je končala zadnje upanje za enotnost in neodvisnost Madžarske.

Za drugo obdobje osmansko-habsburških odnosov (1526–41) je bila značilna madžarska avtonomija pod antihabsburškim ogrskim kraljem Janezom (János Zápolya), ki je v zameno za pravico do nadaljevanja domorodne uprave in vojaške obrambe sprejel suzerenstvo sultana . Habsburški knez Ferdinand (kasneje cesar Svetega rimskega reda Ferdinand I.), brat cesarja Karla V., je ob podpori bogatejših madžarskih plemičev, ki so želeli habsburško pomoč proti Turkom, zasedel severna območja Madžarske. Za vse praktične namene jih je priključil Avstriji, preden se je odločil osvojiti preostanek Madžarske v letih 1527–28. V odgovor se je Süleyman vrnil iz Anadolije, da bi pregnal Habsburžane iz vse Madžarske in oblegal Dunaj leta 1529, kar je bilo neuspešno zaradi težav pri oskrbi velike sile tako daleč od večjih središč osmanske moči.

Dunaj je tako postal glavni evropski branik proti nadaljnjemu napredovanju muslimanov. V obstoječih pogojih dobave, transporta in vojaške organizacije so Osmanlije dosegle mejo svoje možne širitve na zahodu, zato je bilo treba zimsko oporišče, ki je podpiralo širitvena prizadevanja, ohraniti v Istanbulu zaradi stalne grožnje z vojaškimi akcijami proti Safavidi na vzhodu. Obleganje Dunaja pa je zagotovilo Süleymanovo oblast na Madžarskem in preprečilo Ferdinandu, da bi do leta 1540 začel nov napad na ozemlja, ki jim je vladal Janez. Protestanti (1532), rezultat je bil le začasen, Ferdinand pa nikoli ni bil prepričan v podporo neodvisnih nemških knezov in drugih evropskih vladarjev, ki so obljubili pomoč. Tudi Karlo V. je bil preveč obremenjen s problemi reformacije in s Francijo, da bi veliko pozornosti namenil Osmanlijam. Ko se je Süleyman lotil drugega avstrijskega pohoda (1532), ni mogel vpeljati cesarske vojske v konflikt in se je moral zadovoljiti z uničujočimi velikimi območji habsburškega kraljestva.

Do miru leta 1533 je Ferdinand opustil svoje zahtevke po osrednji Madžarski in Janezovo oblast tam priznal kot osmanskega vazala, medtem ko je Süleyman sprejel, da sprejme Ferdinanda za vladarja severne Madžarske v zameno za plačilo letnega davka. Ta ureditev je trajala do leta 1540, ko je Janez umrl in v nasprotju s svojim dogovorom s sultanom prepustil svoje oblasti Ferdinandu. Ko je Ferdinand poskušal na silo prevzeti svojo dediščino, je Süleyman leta 1541 - pod krinko zagovarjanja vzroka Janezovega sina Janeza Sigismunda Zápolye - okupiral in priključil Madžarsko - jo prvič dal pod neposredno osmansko upravo in okupacijo. Tako se je začelo tretje in zadnje obdobje osmansko-habsburških odnosov, za katerega so značilne nenehne preusmeritve mejnih sporov na obeh straneh, vendar so preprečila dolga obdobja odprtih vojn. Krščanski zgodovinarji so Francija I. Francoskega obtožili, da je spodbujal osmansko širitev v osrednjo Evropo, da bi olajšal pritisk Habsburžanov nanj. Toda osmanski napredek je treba pripisati manj francoskim uverturam kot samim Süleymanovim ambicijam, skupaj z njegovimi strahovi pred habsburško oblastjo na Madžarskem in možnim zavezništvom med Habsburžani, Madžari in Safavidi.

Sultan je francoskega kralja v veliki meri obravnaval kot prosilca za gospodarske usluge, ki so bile odobrene s Kapitulacijsko pogodbo iz leta 1536, sporazumom, s katerim so francoski podložniki dobili svobodo potovanja in trgovanja na sultanovih gospostvih in podložnikih drugih držav, ki so želeli enako je bilo potrebno za zagotovitev francoske zaščite. Francoski in drugi trgovci in popotniki v Otomanskem cesarstvu so lahko v zadevah, ki se nanašajo nanje, ostali pod francoskimi zakoni in sodišči, v primerih, ki zadevajo osmanske podanike, pa so jim podelili posebne privilegije. Tako je bil ustanovljen temelj francoske prevlade na Levantu (regija vzdolž vzhodnega Sredozemlja), ki je ostal do sodobnosti. Kapitulacije so služile kot model za kasnejše dogovore med Osmanlijami in drugimi evropskimi silami, ki so jih pozneje v stoletjih osmanske šibkosti uporabljale kot sredstvo za prevlado v trgovini v osmanskih gospodovanjih in za izgon domačih muslimanov in Judov s trga v naklonjenost svojim jedrnovodskim grškim in armenskim varovancem. Za zastoj med Osmanlijo in Habsburžani na severu Madžarske so bili značilni večstoletni spopadi vzdolž kopenske meje. Občasni osmanski vpadi v osrednjo Evropo in posledična evropska protimuslimanska propaganda so privedli do krščanskih predsodkov proti muslimanom na splošno in zlasti Turkom, mnogi Evropejci so simpatizirali s podložniki krščanske manjšine Turkov, kar je čustvovanje trajalo tudi v sodobnem času.

Organizirani vojaški spopad se je preusmeril na morje, pri čemer so se Osmanlije prvič pojavile kot velika pomorska sila. Zmanjšanje beneške mornarice je pripeljalo Karla V., da si je prizadeval za popoln nadzor nad Sredozemljem in se za svojega pomorskega poveljnika pridružil velikemu genovskemu pomorščaku Andreji Doria in tako pridobil podporo močne genovske flote. Süleyman se je leta 1522 odzval tako, da je iz Rodosa izgnal krščanski verski in vojaški red vitezov Rodosa, leta 1530 pa jih je Charles ustanovil na Malti, s katere so organizirali piratske napade na osmanske ladje in obale ter leta 1535 zavzeli Tunis. Medtem ko je bil Süleyman okupiran v Anadoliji, je Doria zavzela številna pristanišča v Moreji in začela vdreti na otomansko obalo, pri čemer je prekinila večino morskih komunikacijskih linij med Istanbulom in Aleksandrijo ter tisočem muslimanskih romarjev preprečila, da bi prišli do Meke in Medine. V odgovor se je Süleyman leta 1533 vpisal v službo kot veliki admiral Khayr al-Dīn (Evropejcem znan kot Barbarossa), turški kapitan, ki je v zahodnem Sredozemlju zgradil veliko piratsko floto "morskih gaz" in jo uporabil za zajetje Alžira (1529) in druga severnoafriška pristanišča. V okviru dogovora z Barbarosso so Osmanlije cesarstvu pridružile Alžir kot posebno timar provinca, trajno dodeljena velikemu admiralu za podporo flote. Osmanske kopenske enote so bile poslane v obrambo Alžira pred habsburškimi napadi, kar je bil verjetno glavni razlog, da se je Barbarossa strinjal, da se pridruži sultanu. Barbarossa je zgradil močno osmansko floto, ki se je lahko enakovredno soočila s Habsburžani. Leta 1537 je sprožil velik napad na južno Italijo in pričakoval obljubljeni francoski napad na severu s ciljem skupnega osvajanja Italije. Toda Francija se je v strahu pred sovražno evropsko reakcijo na zavezništvo z nevernikom zadržala. Doria je nato organizirala in vodila zavezniške evropske pomorske sile proti Osmanlijam, vendar so jo ubili leta 1538 v bitki pri Prévezi pri albanski obali. Benetke so nato predale Morejo in Dalmacijo, svoje zadnje posesti v Egejskem morju, s čimer so zagotovile osmansko pomorsko premoč v vzhodnem Sredozemlju, ki je ostala neprekinjena tri desetletja.

Süleymanu po 1541 ni uspelo uresničiti svojih ambicij v Evropi, predvsem zaradi vse večje zaskrbljenosti nad težavami na vzhodu. Nemilosrdno je zatiral safavidske propagandiste in privržence v vzhodni Anadoliji ter spodbudil uzbekistanski imperij Transoksanijo, da napadne Iran. Iran je padel v nered po smrti Ismāʿīla in pristopu njegovega dojenčka Ṭahmāsp I, vendar je Süleyman to stanje lahko izkoristil le v času miru v Evropi. Osebno je vodil tri akcije v severozahodnem Iranu, v letih 1534–35, 1548–50 in 1554, in čeprav je zavzel ozemlja Safavidov na južnem Kavkazu in v Iraku, ni nikoli uspel ujeti in premagati iranske vojske. Težave z oskrbo so ga vedno prisilile, da se je v zimskih mesecih upokojil v Anatolijo, kar je Perzijcem omogočilo, da so si z malo težav povrnili Azerbajdžan. Süleyman je končno obupal, da bi premagal svoje izmuzljive sovražnike, in leta 1555 privolil v mir v Amasyi, s katerim je obdržal Irak in vzhodno Anatolijo, vendar se je odrekel osmanskim zahtevam do Azerbajdžana in Kavkaza ter se strinjal, da bo šizijskim perzijskim romarjem dovolil obisk Meke in Medine, pa tudi svojih svetih krajev v Iraku. Tako so isti geografski problemi, ki so omejevali osmanske osvajanja v srednji Evropi, zahodni Azerbajdžan naredili praktično mejo osmanske širitve na vzhodu in preprečili dokončno odpravo nevarnosti Safavidov.

Süleyman je bil nekoliko uspešnejši pri obnovi starih mednarodnih trgovskih poti s svojimi bližnjevzhodnimi posestmi. V nasprotju s portugalsko floto, ki so jo Safavidi oskrbovali iz pristanišč v Perzijskem zalivu, je zgradil velike pomorske baze v Suezu (1517) in takoj, ko je zavzel Irak, v Basri (1538), ustanovil je posadke in flote, ki se niso upirale le Napadi portugalske mornarice, napadli pa so jih tudi v vzhodnih morjih. Posledično je stara trgovska pot v 16. stoletju spet pridobila nekdanji obseg. Osmanom pa je nikoli niso mogli v celoti obnoviti, saj je Portugalska z morsko potjo še vedno lahko plačevala višje cene na vzhodu in prodajala po nižjih cenah v Evropi, pri čemer se je izognila dajatvam in lokalnim dajatvam za blago, poslano po kopnem skozi otomansko ozemlje. Opozoriti je treba, da so se v nasprotju z miti mnogih evropskih zgodovinarjev Osmanli borili za ohranitev stare bližnjevzhodne trgovske poti odprto, pot je bila zaprta šele, ko je Cape pot od Portugalcev prevzela veliko močne angleške in nizozemske flote.


Logorno-zbiralni taborišča v spodnjem paleolitiku so tvorila prva znana naselja na ozemlju sodobne Abhazije. Najstarejši primeri so bili odkriti na mestih Iashkhtva, Gumista, Kelasuri in Ochamchire. Zgornja paleolitska kultura se je naselila predvsem na obali. Mezolitska in neolitska obdobja so prinesla večja stalna naselja in označila začetek kmetovanja, živinoreje in proizvodnje keramike. Najzgodnejši artefakti megalitske kulture so se pojavili v zgodnjem 3. tisočletju pred našim štetjem in so se nadaljevali v bronasti dobi kot tako imenovani dolmeni Abhazije, običajno sestavljeni iz štirih pokončnih kamnov in nagrobnika, od katerih nekateri tehtajo kar 50 ton. Dolmen z arheološkega najdišča Eshera je najbolje raziskani prazgodovinski spomenik te vrste. V pozni bronasti dobi je prišlo do razvoja naprednejših bronastih pripomočkov in se je nadaljevalo v železni dobi kot del kolhijske kulture (okoli 1200–600 pr. N. Št.), Ki je zajela večino današnje zahodne Gruzije in del severovzhodne Anatolije.

Napisano zgodovina Abhazije se v veliki meri začne s prihodom milezijskih Grkov na obalno Kolhido v 6.-5. stoletju pr. Svoje pomorske kolonije so ustanovili ob vzhodni obali Črnega morja, Dioskurias pa je bil eno najpomembnejših glavnih trgovskih središč. Mesto, ki naj bi bilo tako poimenovano po Dioskurih, dvojčkih Castor in Polluxu klasične mitologije, naj bi se pozneje razvilo v sodobni Sukhumi. Druge pomembne kolonije so bili Gyenos, Triglitis in kasneje Pityus, verjetno v bližini sodobnih obalnih mest Ochamchire, Gagra in Pitsunda.

Ljudje v regiji so bili znani po številu in raznolikosti, o čemer pričajo klasični viri. Herodot, Strabon in Plinij cenijo množico jezikov, ki jih govorijo v Dioskuriji in drugih mestih. Gorski teren je ločeval in ločeval lokalno prebivalstvo drug od drugega ter spodbujal razvoj več deset ločenih jezikov in narečij, ki so zapletli etnično sestavo regije. Tudi najbolj obveščeni sodobni avtorji so pri imenovanju in iskanju teh ljudi zelo zmedeni in dajejo le zelo omejene podatke o geografiji in prebivalstvu zaledja. Poleg tega so bila nekatera klasična etnična imena domnevno skupni izrazi in po vsej regiji so se zgodile tudi precejšnje selitve. Poskušali so identificirati ta ljudstva z etničnimi izrazi, ki so jih uporabljali klasični avtorji. Večina znanstvenikov identificira Plinija starejšega Apsilae 1. stoletja in Arrian's Abasgoi 2. stoletja z verjetnimi govorci proto-Abhaz in Abaza, medtem ko jih gruzijski učenjaki obravnavajo kot protokartelske plemenske oznake. Identiteta in izvor drugih ljudstev (npr. Heniochi, Sanigae) stanovanje na tem območju je sporno. Arheologija redko uspeva vzpostaviti močne povezave med ostanki materialne kulture in nepreglednimi imeni ljudstev, ki jih omenjajo klasični pisatelji. Tako se polemike še vedno nadaljujejo in vrsta vprašanj ostaja odprta.

Prebivalci regije so se ukvarjali s piratstvom, trgovino s sužnji in ugrabili ljudi za odkupnino. Strabon je v svojih opisal navade Achaeija, Zygija in Heniochija Geografija na naslednji način: [1]

Ti ljudje preživijo zaradi piratstva. Njihovi čolni so vitki, ozki, lahki in zmorejo držati približno pet in dvajset mož, redko pa trideset. Grki jih imenujejo camaræ. . Opremijo flote, sestavljene iz teh camaræ, in ker so gospodarji morja, včasih napadajo tovorna plovila ali vdrejo na ozemlje ali celo mesto. Včasih jim tudi tisti, ki zasedajo Bospor, pomagajo z opremljanjem zaklonišč za njihova plovila in jim priskrbijo oskrbo in sredstva za odlaganje njihovega plena. Ko se vrnejo v svojo državo in nimajo prostora, primernega za privez njihovih plovil, položijo svoj camaræ na ramena in jih odnesejo v gozdove, med katerimi živijo in kjer obdelujejo slabo zemljo. Ko pride sezona za navigacijo, jih spet pripeljejo na obalo. Njihove navade so enake tudi v tuji državi, saj poznajo gozdnate traktove, v katerih se po tem, ko prikrijejo svoj camaræ, dan in noč sprehajajo peš, da bi ujeli prebivalce in jih privedli do suženjstva.

Po podatkih The Georgian Chronicles so bili prvi prebivalci današnje Abhazije in celotne zahodne Gruzije Egrozijci, potomci Egrosa, sina Togarmah, vnuka Jafeta, sina Noetovega, ki je prišel iz dežele, znane kot Arian-Kartli. [2]

Skupaj s preostalo Kolhido je Abhazijo osvojil Mitridat VI Eupator iz Ponta med c. 110 in 63 pr. N. Št., Ki jih je takrat prevzel rimski poveljnik Pompej in jo leta 61 AD pridružil rimskemu cesarstvu. Rimska vladavina je bila tukaj šibka in po Jožefu Flaviju je rimska posadka s 3000 hopliti in flota 40 plovil lahko nadzorovala le pristanišča. Grška naselja so trpela zaradi vojn, piratstva in napadov lokalnih plemen (med enim od njih sta bila Dioskurias in Pityus opustošena leta 50). [3]

Z razpadom rimskega cesarstva so plemena, ki so živela na tem območju, pridobila nekaj neodvisnosti in imenovala svoje vladarje, ki naj bi jih potrdil Rim. V 3. stoletju našega štetja je pleme Lazi prevladovalo nad večino Kolhide in ustanovilo kraljestvo Lazica, lokalno znano kot Egrisi. Po Prokopiju so poglavarje Abasgija pokorili tudi kralji Laziči.

Kolhida je bila prizorišče dolgotrajnega rivalstva med vzhodno rimskim/bizantinskim in sasanidskim cesarstvom, ki je doseglo vrhunec v laziški vojni od 542 do 562. Vojna je povzročila upad Lazice, Abasgi v njihovih gostih gozdovih pa so pridobili stopnjo avtonomije pod bizantinsko oblast. V tem obdobju so Bizantinci v regiji zgradili Sebastopolis. Njihova dežela, ki so jo Bizantinci imenovali Abasgia, je bila glavni vir evnuhov za cesarstvo, dokler Justinijan I (527-565) ni prepovedal kastracije fantov. Ljudje so bili pogani in častili nasade in drevesa, dokler cesar Justinijan I. okoli leta 550 ni poslal ljudi v krščanstvo in zgradil cerkev. [4] [5] Vendar se je škof Stratofil iz Pitija udeležil Nikejskega koncila že leta 325. [6] Bizantinci so zgradili obrambne utrdbe, ki so do danes morda delno preživele Kelasurijski zid. [7]

As the Abasgi grew in relative strength, the name Abasgia came to denote a larger area populated by various ethnic groups including Mingrelian- and Svan-speaking South Caucasian tribes, and subordinated to the Byzantine-appointed princes (Greek: arhont, Georgian: eristavi) who resided in Anacopia and were viewed as major champions of the empire's political and cultural influence in the western Caucasus. The Arabs penetrated the area in the 730s, but did not subdue it about then the term Abkhazeti ("the land of the Abkhazians") first appeared in the Georgian annals, giving rise to the name Abkhazia, which is used today in most foreign languages. Through their dynastic intermarriages and alliance with other Georgian princes, the Abasgian dynasty acquired most of Lazica/Egrisi, and in the person of Leo established themselves as "kings of the Abkhazians" in the 780s. [8] With the Khazar help, Leo ousted the Byzantines and expanded his kingdom, transferring his capital to the Georgian city of Kutaisi. Although the nature of this kingdom's ruling family is still disputed, most scholars agree that the Abkhazian kings were Georgian in culture and language. In order to eliminate the Byzantine religious influence, the dynasty subordinated the local dioceses to the Georgian Orthodox patriarchate of Mtskheta. [9] [10]

The kingdom is frequently referred in modern history writing as the Egrisi-Abkhazian kingdom due to the fact that medieval authors viewed the new monarchy as a successor state of Egrisi and sometimes used the terms interchangeably.

The most prosperous period of the Abkhazian kingdom was between 850 and 950, when it dominated the whole western Georgia and claimed control even of the easternmost Georgian provinces. The terms "Abkhazia" and "Abkhazians" were used in a broad sense during this period – and for some while later – and covered, for all practical purposes, all the population of the kingdom regardless of their ethnicity. [11] In 989, the Bagratid ruler Bagrat III came to power in Abkhazia which he inherited from his mother Guranduxt Anch'abadze. In 1008 Bagrat inherited K'art'li from his father and united the kingdoms of Abkhazia and Georgia into a single Georgian feudal state. [12]

This state reached the apex of its strength and prestige under the queen Tamar (1184–1213). On one occasion, a contemporary Georgian chronicler mentions a people called Apsars. This source explains the sobriquet 'Lasha' of Tamar's son and successor George IV as meaning "enlightenment" in the language of the Apsars. Some modern linguists link this nickname to the modern Abkhaz words a-lasha for "clear" and a-lashara for "light", identifying the Apsars with the possible ancestors of the modern-day Abkhaz, though the exact identity and location of this tribe is unclear.

According to the Georgian chronicles, Queen Tamar granted the lordship over part of Abkhazia to the Georgian princely family of Shervashidze. According to traditional accounts, they were an offshoot of the Shirvanshahs (hence allegedly comes their dynastic name meaning "sons of Shirvanese" in Georgian). The ascendancy of this dynasty (later known also as Chachba by the Abkhaz form of their surname) in Abkhazia would last until the Russian annexation in the 1860s.

The Genoese established their trading factories along the Abkhazian coastline in the 14th century, but they functioned for a short time. The area was relatively spared from the Mongol and Timur's invasions, which terminated Georgia's "golden age". As a result, the kingdom of Georgia fragmentized into several independent or semi-independent entities by the late 15th century. The Principality of Abkhazia was one of them, and was formed around 1463. [5] The Principality of Abkhazia, whereas it acted as an independent state, was officially a vassal of the Kingdom of Imereti, following a treaty signed in 1490 splitting Georgia into three nations. [13] The Abkhazian princes engaged in incessant conflicts with the Mingrelian potentates, their nominal suzerains, and the borders of both principalities fluctuated in the course of these wars. In the following decades, the Abkhazian nobles finally prevailed and expanded their possessions up to the Inguri River, which is today's southern boundary of the region. Several medieval historians like Vakhushti and a few modern ones claimed that the Kelasuri Wall was built by prince Levan II Dadiani of Mingrelia as a protection against Abkhaz. [14]

In the 1570s, the Ottoman navy occupied the fort of Tskhumi on the Abkhazian coastline, turning it into the Turkish fortress of Suhum-Kale (hence, the modern name of the city of Sukhumi). In 1555, Georgia and the whole South Caucasus became divided between the Ottoman and Safavid Persian empires per the Peace of Amasya, with Abkhazia, along with all of western Georgia, remaining in the hands of the Ottomans. As a result, Abkhazia came under the increasing influence of Turkey and Islam, gradually losing its cultural and religious ties with the rest of Georgia. According to the Soviet historical science, Turkey, after the conquest has aimed at obliterating the material and spiritual culture of Abkhazia and forcibly convert the population to Islam, which led to numerous insurrections (in 1725, 1728, 1733, 1771 and 1806) [15]

Towards the end of the 17th century, the principality of Abkhazia broke up into several fiefdoms, depriving many areas of any centralized authority. The region became a theatre of widespread slave trade and piracy. According to some Georgian scholars (such as Pavle Ingorokva), it was when a number of the Adyghe clansmen migrated from the North Caucasus mountains and blended with the local ethnic elements, significantly changing the region's demographic situation. In the mid-18th century, the Abkhazians revolted against the Ottoman rule and took hold of Suhum-Kale, but soon the Turks regained the control of the fortress and granted it to a loyal prince of the Shervashidze family.

Russia annexed eastern Georgia in 1800 and took over Mingrelia in 1803. Kelesh Ahmed-Bey Shervashidze, the last pre-Russian ruler of Abkhazia had a long and successful reign. He controlled his nobles, his kinsmen commanded Poti and Batum and his fleet cruised the coast from Anapa and Batum. His invasion of the Principality of Mingrelia in 1802 contributed to Mingrelia becoming a Russian protectorate. Keleshbey died in 1808 and was succeeded by his eldest son Aslan-Bey Shervashidze. Kelesh also had a younger son, Sefer Ali-Bey Shervashidze, who lived in Mingrelia, was or became a Christian and was married to the Mingrellian ruler's sister. The Russians or Mingrelians claimed that Aslan-Bey had murdered his father. In August 1808, three months after Kelesh's death, a Mingrelian force failed to take Sukhumi. In February 1810 Russia recognized Sefer-Bey as hereditary prince of Abkhazia. In June of that year a Russian fleet captured Sukhumi and Aslan-Bey fled. Sefer-Bey, who ruled until 1821, was unable to control the countryside, things became disorganized and there were a number of revolts involving Aslan-Bey.

Initially, the Russian control hardly extended beyond Suhum-kale and the Bzyb area, with the rest of the region chiefly dominated by the pro-Turkish Muslim nobility. In a series of conflicts with the Ottoman Empire and the North Caucasian tribes, the Russians acquired possession of the whole Abkhazia in a piecemeal fashion between 1829 and 1842, but their power was not firmly established until 1864, [5] when they managed to abolish the local princely authority. The last prince of Abkhazia, Michael Shervashidze (Chachba), was exiled to Russia where he soon died. [16] The two ensuing Abkhaz revolts in 1866 and 1877, the former precipitated by the heavy taxation and the latter incited by the landing of the Turkish troops, resulted in the next significant change in the region's demographics. As a result of harsh government reaction allegedly 60% of the Muslim Abkhaz population, although contemporary census reports were not very trustworthy — became Muhajirs, and emigrated to the Ottoman possessions between 1866 and 1878. In 1881, the number of the Abkhaz in the Russian Empire was estimated at only 20,000. [17] Furthermore, a great deal of the population was forcibly displaced to Turkey (Muhajirs) and in 1877 the population of Abkhazia was 78,000, whereas at the end of the same year there were only 46,000 left. [15]

Large areas of the region were left uninhabited and many Armenians, Georgians, Russians and others subsequently migrated to Abkhazia, resettling much of the vacated territory. [18] According to Georgian historians Georgian tribes (Mingrelians and Svans) had populated Abkhazia since the time of the Colchis kingdom. [19] According to the census carried out in 1897 Abkhaz constituted 60-65% of the Sukhumi district's population (about 100,000 Sukhum district occupied almost the same territory as present'day Abkhazia in 1897), the majority of the rest being Georgian. [20] [21] [22] However the Enciklopedija Britannica reported in 1911 that in the Sukhumi district (population at the time 43,000 it did not cover all the territory of present-day Abkhazia in 1911 as some of it had been transferred to Kuban governorate) two-thirds of the population were Mingrelian Georgians and one-third were Abkhaz. [23] Those Abkhaz, who did not convert to Christianity, and who remained in Abkhazia were declared by the Russian government a "refugee population" and deprived of the right to settle in the coastal areas. [24] [25]

Meanwhile, in 1870, bound peasants, including slaves, were liberated in Abkhazia as a part of the Russian serfdom reforms. The peasants got between 3 and 8 ha and had to pay huge redemption payments (the landowners got up to 275 ha) furthermore, according to a contemporary Russian official, peasants were mostly left with rocky mountain slopes and low-lying bogs. The liberation in Abkhazia was more problematic than elsewhere as it failed to take into account fully the distinction between free, partly free and unfree peasants in the Abkhazian society. [26]

This reform triggered the moderate development of capitalism in the region. Tobacco, tea and subtropical crops became more widely grown. Industries (coal, timber) began to develop. Health resorts started to be built. A small town of Gagra, acquired by a German prince Peter of Oldenburg, a member of the Russian royal family, turned to a resort of particular tourist interest early in the 1900s (decade).

After the abolition of the autocephalous status of the Georgian Church (1811) begins the process of Russification and the Abkhaz Church. An attempt to transfer service from Georgian into Slavic, there is also a desire to introduce as an antagonist of the Georgian - Abkhazian (Apsua) identity. Against this trend, actively advocated the advanced Abkhazian society, trying to convince Russian officials that Abkhazia historically, in their culture, religion, etc., is an integral part of Georgia. In 1870, in a memo to deputies of the Abkhazian nobility and Samurzakan (Emhvari B., M. Marchand, Margani T., K. Inal-ipa) to the Chairman of the Tiflis Committee of caste landed for Prince Svyatopolk-Mirsky emphasized that " Abkhazia ancient times was part of the former Georgian kingdom . " The note provides evidence to support the common historical destiny of the Georgian and Abkhaz peoples, who are, according to the authors, "important witnesses accessories Abkhazia to Georgia" and expressed the hope that they (Abkhazians) are not are "excluded from the overall family of the Georgian people, to which from time immemorial belonged to." 4 In 1916, the Tbilisi visited the Abkhazian delegation consisting of M-princes Shervashidze M. Emhvari, A. Inal-ipa, and representatives of the peasantry P. Anchabadze, B. Ezugbaya and A. Chukbar. On behalf of the Abkhaz people, they petitioned for economic and cultural development of the region and raised the question of the transformation of the Sukhumi district into a separate province. "If this is impossible", told delegates, then in any case do not connect it (Sukhum district) to any other province, except Kutaisi. Equally urgent was the demand of the deputation is not separated from the exarchate of Georgia Sukhumi bishoprics, which has always been an inseparable part of the Georgian Church. [ potreben citat ]

In the Russian revolution of 1905, most Abkhaz remained largely loyal to the Russian rule, while Georgians tended to oppose it. As a reward for their allegiance, tsar Nicholas II officially forgave the Abkhaz for their opposition in the 19th century and removed their status of a "guilty people" in 1907. This split along political divisions led to the rise of mistrust and tensions between the Georgian and Abkhaz communities which would further deepen in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917.

The Bolshevik coup in October 1917 and the ensuing Russian Civil War forced the major national forces of South Caucasus – Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia – to unite into fragile federative structures. Abkhaz leaders created, on November 8, 1917, their own post-revolutionary body, Abkhaz People's Council (APC), but Abkhazia became embroiled into a chaos of the civil unrest. It was torn between supporters of the short-lived Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus, a pro-Bolshevik faction, a pro-Turkish nobility, and a pro-Georgian Menshevik group.

In March 1918, local Bolsheviks under the leadership of Nestor Lakoba, a close associate of Joseph Stalin, capitalized on agrarian disturbances and, supported by the revolutionary peasant militias, kiaraz, won power in Sukhumi in April 1918. The Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, which claimed the region as its part, sanctioned the suppression of the revolt and, on May 17, the National Guard of Georgia ousted the Bolshevik commune in Sukhumi.

Meanwhile, a short-lived Transcaucasian federation came to an end and the independence of the Democratic Republic of Georgia (DRG) was proclaimed on May 26, 1918. On June 8, a delegation of the APC negotiated, in Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, a union with Georgia, which gave autonomy to Abkhazia. All domestic affairs were to be under the jurisdiction of the APC, while the central government established the office of Minister of Abkhazian Affairs and the post of the Governor-General of Abkhazia. Abkhaz deputies gained three of 28 seats preserved for ethnic minorities in Georgia's parliament.

The relations between the central and autonomous authorities were soon clouded by the abortive landing, on June 27, 1918, of a Turkish force supported by the Abkhaz nobles, J. Marghan and A. Shervashidze. Georgia responded with the arrest of several Abkhaz leaders and the limitation of the autonomous powers of the APC that precipitated some sympathies from the Abkhaz to the Russian White forces which engaged in the sporadic fighting with the Georgians in the north of Abkhazia. The reaction was even harsher when the Abkhaz officers of the Georgian army, Commissar Marghania and Colonel Chkhotua, staged a failed coup in October 1918. On October 10, the APC was disbanded and Abkhazia's autonomy was abrogated for six months. A new Abkhaz People's Council, elected in February 1919, adopted an act of Abkhazia's autonomy within the framework of the DRG, which was also supported by the Soviet government. [5] The status was confirmed in the Constitution of Georgia adopted on February 21, 1921, on the eve of the Soviet invasion of Georgia.

Despite the 1920 treaty of non-aggression, Soviet Russia’s 11th Red Army invaded Georgia on February 11, 1921, and marched on Tbilisi. Almost simultaneously, 9th (Kuban) Army entered Abkhazia on February 19. Supported by the local pro-Bolshevik guerillas, the Soviet troops took control of most of Abkhazia in a series of battles from February 23 to March 7, and proceeded into the neighbouring region of Mingrelia.

On March 4, Soviet power was established in Sukhumi, with the formation of the Abkhazian Soviet Socialist Republic (Abkhazian SSR), subsequently recognized by the newly established Communist regime of the Georgian SSR on May 21. [5] On December 16, however, Abkhazia signed a special "union treaty" delegating some of its sovereign powers to Soviet Georgia. Abkhazia and Georgia together entered the Transcaucasian SFSR on December 13, 1922 and on 30 December joined the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Abkhazia's ambiguous status of Union Republic was written into that republic's April 1, 1925 constitution. Paradoxically, an earlier reference to Abkhazia as an autonomous republic in the 1924 Soviet Constitution [27] remained unratified until 1930 when Abkhazia's status was reduced to an Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) within the Georgian SSR. [5] Except for a few nobles, the Abkhaz did not participate in the 1924 August Uprising in Georgia, a last desperate attempt to restore the independence of Georgia from the Soviet Union.

During the Stalin years, a purge was carried out against Communist Party officials and intelligentsia of Abkhaz provenance on the orders of Lavrentiy Beria, then-the Party Secretary in Transcaucasus and himself a native of Abkhazia, in order to break a resistance to forced collectivization of land. The Abkhaz party leader Lakoba suddenly died shortly after his visit to Beria in Tbilisi in December 1936. There was a strong suspicion that he was poisoned by Beria who declared Lakoba an "enemy of the people" posthumously. The purges in Abkhazia were accompanied by the suppression of Abkhaz ethnic culture: the Latin-based Abkhaz alphabet was changed into Georgian and all the native language schools were closed, ethnic Georgians were guaranteed key official positions, many place names were changed to Georgian ones. [28] [29] In the terror of 1937-38, the ruling elite was purged of Abkhaz and by 1952 over 80% of the 228 top party and government officials and enterprise managers were ethnic Georgians there remained 34 Abkhaz, 7 Russians and 3 Armenians in these positions. [30] Between 1937 and 1953 tens of thousands of peasants from Western Georgia were settled in Abkhazia. In the 1926 Soviet census, the Abkhaz accounted for 26.4% of the region's population. The demographic engineering of the late Stalin period brought this proportion down to 17—18%. Abkhazia is mountainous and has a shortage of arable land, which made it difficult to send in new settlers. This was one of the reasons why in 1949 the Greek and Turkish minorities were deported from Abkhazia to Kazakhstan and other Central Asian republics, and Georgians were settled in the formerly Greek and Turkish villages. [30] [ nezanesljiv vir? ] Abkhazia experienced collectivisation in 1936–1938, much later than most of USSR. [31]

Stalin's five-year plans also resulted in the resettlement of many Russians, Armenians and Georgians into the existing Abkhaz, Georgian, Greek and other minority population to work in the growing agricultural sector. The 2,700-year-old Greek population of Abkhazia was completely deported by Stalin in a single night in 1949 to Central Asia with Georgian immigrants taking over their homes. In 1959 the surviving Greeks were allowed to return. During the 1992-93 war, some 15,000 Greeks fled the turmoil in the region to Greece.

The repression of the Abkhaz and other groups ended after Stalin's death and Beria's execution (1953), [32] and Abkhaz were given a greater role in the governance of the republic. As in most of the smaller autonomous republics, the Soviet government encouraged the development of culture and particularly of literature. A new script, based on Cyrillic, was devised for Abkhaz, Abkhaz schools reopened and administration put largely in the Abkhaz hands. Ethnic quotas were established for certain bureaucratic posts, giving the Abkhaz a degree of political power that was disproportionate to their minority status in the republic. This was interpreted by some [ WHO? ] as a "divide and rule" policy whereby local elites were given a share in power in exchange for support for the Soviet regime. [ potreben citat ] In Abkhazia as elsewhere, it led to other ethnic groups — in this case, the Georgians — resenting what they saw as unfair discrimination and disregard of the rights of majority, thereby stoking ethnic discord in the republic.

The following three decades were marked by attempts of the Abkhaz Communist elite to make the autonomous structures more Abkhaz, but their efforts constantly met resistance from the Georgians. Abkhaz nationalists attempted on several occasions, most notably in 1978, to convince Moscow to transfer the autonomous republic from Georgian SSR to the Russian SFSR. That year, the Abkhaz organised a series of indoor and outdoor rallies (including an all-ethnic meeting of Abkhaz in Lykhny) in response to the mass demonstrations of Georgians who had succeeded in winning for their language a constitutional status of the official language of the Georgian SSR. Although the Abkhaz request of the secession from Georgia was rejected Moscow and Tbilisi responded with serious economic and cultural concessions, appropriating an extra 500 million rubles (or more [31] ) over seven years for the development of infrastructure and cultural projects such as the foundation of the Abkhazian State University (with Abkhaz, Georgian, and Russian sectors), a State Folk Ensemble in Sukhumi, and Abkhaz-language television broadcasting. [28] Substantial quotas were also given to ethnic Abkhaz in educational and official positions. [31] For example, by 1990 most of government ministers and regional Communist party department heads were ethnic Abkhaz. [33] Even though these concessions eased tensions only partially they made Abkhazia prosperous even by the standards of Georgia which was one of the wealthiest Soviet republic of that time. [31] [34] The favourable geographic and climatic conditions were successfully exploited to make Abkhazia a destination for hundreds of thousands of tourists, gaining for the region a reputation of "Soviet Riviera."

The Soviet authorities invested significantly into building a modern educational system in Abkhazia. In the 1920s and 1930s the Soviet government founded many new schools and several educational and training colleges (called “Uschiliche” in Russian language). The number of locally trained professionals grew from few dozens in the 1920s to several thousands in the 1980s.

By the 1980s, Sukhumi City became a home for largest educational institutions (both higher education institutions and Technical Vocational Education and Training (TVET) colleges) and largest students' community in Abkhazia.

There was some decline in a number of students in the 1990s. However, between 2000 and 2019 the student's population stabilised. Since the academic year 2020-2021 the number of college and university students even showed a small increase.

Abkhaz State University (1979) has 42 departments organized into 8 faculties providing education to about 3300 students (as of 2019, est.).

According to the official statistical data, Abkhazia has 13 TVET colleges (as of 2019, est.) providing education and vocational training to youth mostly in the capital city, though there are several colleges in all major district centers. Independent international assessments suggest that these colleges train in about 20 different specialties attracting between 1000 and 1300 young people (aged between 16 and 29) (as of 2019, est.). The largest colleges are as follows:

Abkhaz Multiindustrial College (1959) (from 1959 to 1999 - Sukhumi Trade and Culinary School),

Sukhumi State College (1904) (from 1904 to 1921 - Sukhumi Real School from 1921 to 1999 - Sukhumi Industrial Technical School),

Sukhum Medical College (1931)

As the Soviet Union began to disintegrate at the end of the 1980s, ethnic tension grew between the Abkhaz and Georgians over Georgia's moves towards independence. Many Abkhaz opposed this, fearing that an independent Georgia would lead to the elimination of their autonomy, and argued instead for the establishment of Abkhazia as a separate Soviet republic in its own right. The dispute turned violent on 16 July 1989 in Sukhumi. At least eighteen people were killed and another 137, mostly Georgians, injured when the Soviet Georgian government gave in to Georgian popular demand to transform a Georgian sector of Sukhumi State University into a branch of Tbilisi State University and the Abkhaz nationalists, including armed groups, [35] demonstrated at the building where the entrance examinations were being held. [36] [37] After several days of violence, Soviet troops restored order in the city and blamed rival nationalist paramilitaries for provoking confrontations.

Georgia boycotted the March 17, 1991 all-Union referendum on the renewal of the Soviet Union proposed by Mikhail Gorbachev. However, the referendum was held in Abkhazia and 52.3% of the population of Abkhazia (virtually all the non-Georgians) took part, and participants voted by an overwhelming majority (98.6%) in favour of preserving the Union. [38] [39] Most of the non-Georgian population subsequently declined to participate in the March 31 referendum on Georgia's independence, which was supported by a huge majority of the population of Georgia. Shortly after it Georgia declared independence on 9 April 1991, under the rule of nationalist [40] and former Soviet dissident Zviad Gamsakhurdia.

Gamsakhurdia's rule became unpopular, and that December, the Georgian National Guard, under the command of Tengiz Kitovani, laid siege to the offices of Gamsakhurdia's government in Tbilisi. After weeks of stalemate, he was forced to resign in January 1992. Gamsakhurdia was replaced as president by Eduard Shevardnadze, the former Soviet foreign minister and architect of the disintegration of the Soviet Union.

On 21 February 1992, Georgia's ruling Military Council announced that it was abolishing the Soviet-era constitution and restoring the 1921 Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Georgia. Many Abkhaz interpreted this as an abolition of their autonomous status. In response, on 23 July 1992, the Abkhazia government effectively declared secession from Georgia, although this gesture went unrecognized by any other country. The Georgian government accused Gamsakhurdia supporters of kidnapping Georgia's interior minister and holding him captive in Abkhazia. The Georgian government dispatched 3,000 troops to the region, ostensibly to restore order. Heavy fighting between Georgian forces and Abkhazian militia broke out in and around Sukhumi. The Abkhazian authorities rejected the government's claims, claiming that it was merely a pretext for an invasion. After about a week's fighting and many casualties on both sides, Georgian government forces managed to take control of most of Abkhazia, and closed down the regional parliament.

The Abkhazians' military defeat was met with a hostile response by the self-styled Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus, an umbrella group uniting a number of pro-Russian movements in the North Caucasus, Russia (Chechens, Cossacks, Ossetians and others). Hundreds of volunteer paramilitaries from Russia (including the then little known Shamil Basayev) joined forces with the Abkhazian separatists to fight the Georgian government forces. Regular Russian forces also reportedly sided with the secessionists. In September, the Abkhaz and Russian paramilitaries mounted a major offensive after breaking a cease-fire, which drove the Georgian forces out of large swathes of the republic. Shevardnadze's government accused Russia of giving covert military support to the rebels with the aim of "detaching from Georgia its native territory and the Georgia-Russian frontier land". The year 1992 ended with the rebels in control of much of Abkhazia northwest of Sukhumi.

The conflict remained stalemated until July 1993, following an agreement in Sochi, when the Abkhaz separatist militias launched an abortive attack on Georgian-held Sukhumi. The capital was surrounded and heavily shelled, with Shevardnadze himself trapped in the city.

Although a truce was declared at the end of July, this collapsed after a renewed Abkhaz attack in mid-September. After ten days of heavy fighting, Sukhumi fell on 27 September 1993. Eduard Shevardnadze narrowly escaped death, having vowed to stay in the city no matter what, but he was eventually forced to flee when separatist snipers fired on the hotel where he was residing. Abkhaz, North Caucasians militants and their allies committed one of the most horrific massacres [41] of this war against remaining Georgian civilians in the city known as Sukhumi Massacre. The mass killings and destruction continued for two weeks, leaving thousands dead and missing.

The separatist forces quickly overran the rest of Abkhazia as the Georgian government faced a second threat: an uprising by the supporters of the deposed Zviad Gamsakhurdia in the region of Mingrelia (Samegrelo). In the chaotic aftermath of defeat almost all ethnic Georgian population fled the region by sea or over the mountains escaping a large-scale ethnic cleansing initiated by the victors. Many thousands died — it is estimated that between 10,000 and 30,000 ethnic Georgians and 3,000 ethnic Abkhaz may have perished — and some 250,000 people were forced into exile.

During the war, gross human rights violations were reported on the both sides (see Human Rights Watch report), [42] and the ethnic cleansing committed by the Abkhaz forces and their allies is recognised by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Summits in Budapest (1994), [43] Lisbon (1996) [44] and Istanbul (1999) [45]

The economic situation in the republic after war was very hard and it was aggravated by the sanctions imposed in 1994 by the Commonwealth of Independent States. During the 1990s numerous people of all ethnicities left Abkhazia mainly for Russia. Since 1997 Russia effectively dropped these sanctions which tremendously helped republic's economy. In 1999, Abkhazia officially declared its independence, [5] which was recognized by almost no other nations.

The return of Georgians to Gali district of Abkhazia was halted by the fighting which broke out there in 1998. However, from 40,000 to 60,000 refugees have returned to Gali district since 1998, including persons commuting daily across the ceasefire line and those migrating seasonally in accordance with agricultural cycles.

After several peaceful years tourists again began to visit Abkhazia, however their number is only about a half of the pre-war number.

In 2004 presidential elections were held which caused much controversy when the candidate backed by outgoing president Vladislav Ardzinba and by Russia - Raul Khadjimba - was apparently defeated by Sergey Bagapsh. The tense situation in the republic led to the cancellation of the election results by the Supreme Court. After that the deal was struck between former rivals to run jointly — Bagapsh as a presidential candidate and Khajimba as a vice presidential candidate. They received more than 90% of the votes in the new election.

After the 1992-1993 War the Upper Kodori Valley was the only part of the country that was not controlled by the Abkhazian government. It remained under the formal control of Georgian authorities however it was mainly run by a local strongman Emzar Kvitsiani. As a result of the 2006 Kodori crisis Georgia reasserted its power in the valley. [5] Abkhazians claimed that the infiltration of the territory by Georgian armed units was a violation of the Agreement on the Ceasefire and Disengagement of Forces of May 14, 1994, however Georgia maintained that only police and security forces were employed there. Abkhaz forces occupied Kodori Valley in August 2008 as a result of an operation that coincided with the 2008 South Ossetia War.

August 2008 saw another crisis start as South Ossetia in Georgia started hostilities aimed towards secession. This violence spread somewhat into the Abkhazia region again, with added stress created by the Russian forces massing. [5] Georgia and Russia signed a cease-fire soon after requiring Russia to withdraw. [5]

Meanwhile, the efforts of Russia to isolate Georgian population in Abkhazia from the rest of Georgia continued. On 24 October 2008 the railroad bridge of Shamgon-Tagiloni, connecting the city of Zugdidi in Georgia with the Abkhazian Gali district (populated mainly by Georgians) [46] was destroyed. According to Georgian and French sources it was done by Russian army Abkhazian sources maintained it was a Georgian diversion. [47] [48] Per Georgian sources on 29 October 2008 Russian forces dismantled another bridge - the one situated between the villages of Orsantia (ru) and Otobaia and linking a total of five villages - Otobaia, Pichori (ru), Barghebi, Nabakevi (ru) and Gagida (ru) thus the local population was deprived of the opportunity to move freely in the region. [49] [50]


The Treaty of New Echota and the Trail of Tears

Vklopljeno December 29, 1835, U.S. government officials and about 500 Cherokee Indians claiming to represent their 16,000-member tribe, met at New Echota, Georgia, and signed a treaty. The agreement led to the forced removal of Cherokees from their southeastern homelands to Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River.

The Treaty of New Echota gave the Cherokees $5 million and land in present-day Oklahoma in exchange for their 7 million acres of ancestral land. Though the majority of Cherokees opposed the treaty, and Principal Chief John Ross wrote a letter to Congress protesting it, the U.S. Senate ratified the document in March 1836.

Aware of the lack of support for the treaty among the Cherokee, President Martin Van Buren proposed a two-year extension to allow the Cherokees time to move. Still, by May 1838, only 2,000 Cherokees had moved voluntarily.

That spring, the federal government sent 7,000 soldiers under General Winfield Scott to evict the remaining Cherokees. They built six forts in North Carolina to hold the captured Indians until their forced westward journey could begin.

The 1,200-mile trek, begun in October 1838, lasted six months. Along the way, an estimated 10 to 25 percent of the tribe died of disease, starvation and exhaustion. Today, their route is known as the Trail of Tears.

    from the N.C. Museum of Histroy
  • The Cherokee Indians on NCpedia
  • Resources on Native American Heritage from the State Library of North Carolina

For more about North Carolina’s history, arts and culture, visit Cultural Resources online. To receive these updates automatically each day, make sure you subscribe by email using the box on the right, and follow us on Facebook, Twitter and Pinterest.


Jun 7, 1494 CE: Treaty of Tordesillas

On June 7, 1494, the governments of Spain and Portugal agreed to the Treaty of Tordesillas, which divided their spheres of influence in the "New World" of the Americas.

Geography, Social Studies, World History

Treaty of Tordesillas

The 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas neatly divided the "New World" into land, resources, and people claimed by Spain and Portugal. The red vertical line cutting through eastern Brazil represents the divide. The treaty worked out well for the Spanish and Portuguese empires, but less so for the 50 million people already living in established communities in the Americas.

Map by Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, courtesy the Library of Congress

On June 7, 1494, the governments of Spain and Portugal agreed to the Treaty of Tordesillas, named for the city in Spain in which it was created. The Treaty of Tordesillas neatly divided the &ldquoNew World&rdquo of the Americas between the two superpowers.

Spain and Portugal divided the New World by drawing a north-to-south line of demarcation in the Atlantic Ocean, about 100 leagues (555 kilometers or 345 miles) west of the Cape Verde Islands, off the coast of northwestern Africa and then controlled by Portugal. All lands east of that line (about 46 degrees, 37 minutes west) were claimed by Portugal. All lands west of that line were claimed by Spain.

Spain and Portugal adhered to the treaty without major conflict between the two, although the line of demarcation was moved an additional 270 leagues (about 1500 kilometers or 932 miles) farther west in 1506, which enabled Portugal to claim the eastern coast of what is now Brazil.

The results of this treaty are still evident throughout the Americas today. For example, all Latin American nations are predominantly Spanish-speaking countries with the sole exception of Brazil where Portuguese is the national language. This is because the eastern tip of Brazil falls east of the line of demarcation settled upon in the Treaty of Tordesillas, and was where the majority of Portuguese colonization occurred. The borders of modern Brazil have expanded since the 1506 expansion of the Treaty of Tordesillas.

Spain and Portugal were the only signatories of the treaty because at the time, they were the only European powers to establish a presence in the Americas. The treaty did not consider any future claims made by the British, French, and other European superpowers of their respective times. The British, French, and Dutch Empires did not claim parts of the Americas until years after the Treaty of Tordesillas.

More significantly, however, the Treaty of Tordesillas completely ignored the millions of people already living in established communities in the Americas. The treaty stipulated that any lands with a &ldquoChristian king&rdquo would not be colonized. Of course, by that time, Christianity had not spread broadly in the Americas. This meant that unless the land was already claimed by a Christian (European) ruler, by the terms of their treaty, Spain and Portugal could claim practically any land they managed to conquer in the Americas. The resulting conquest and colonization proved disastrous for civilizations, such as the Inca, Taino, and Aztec, along with thousands of other communities throughout the Americas.



Komentarji:

  1. Daibhidh

    It's the excellent option

  2. Motilar

    Trenutno ne morem sodelovati v razpravi - prostega časa ni. Brezplačen bom - zagotovo bom napisal, kar mislim.

  3. Jeff

    Toplota! Dajmo!))

  4. Sutter

    There may be another option

  5. Corbyn

    Vsekakor imaš prav

  6. Lyza

    Opravičujem se, toda po mojem mnenju storite napako. Lahko zagovarjam položaj. Pišite mi v PM, govorili se bomo.



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