Gestapo


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Ko je Hermann Goering leta 1933 postal minister za notranje zadeve v Prusiji, je zaposlil Rudolfa Dielsa za vodjo oddelka 1A pruske državne policije. Goering je bil nad Dielsom navdušen in ga je postavil za vodjo tistega, kar je postalo znano kot Gestapo. Drugi, ki so imeli v organizaciji vodilne položaje, so bili Arthur Nebe in Kurt Daluege

Heinrich Himmler in Reinhard Heydrich sta postala ljubosumna na moč Gestapa in začela širiti govorice o Dielsovi zvestobi Adolfu Hitlerju. Ena od teh zgodb je trdila, da se je Diels pridružil zaroti, ki jo je organiziral Ernst Roehm. Brez podpore Hermanna bi Goering Diels bil ubit v Noči dolgih nožev.

Aprila 1934 se je Hermann Goering pod pritiskom Heinricha Himmlerja in Wilhelma Fricka strinjal, da bo nadzor nad Gestapom prepustil Schutzstaffelu (SS). Leta 1936 je Himmler postavil Gestapo pod poveljstvo Reinharda Heydricha, vodja operacij pa je postal Heinrich Muller.

Med drugo svetovno vojno je bilo 45.000 pripadnikov Gestapa. Ocenjuje pa se, da so zaposlovali tudi 160.000 agentov in obveščevalcev.

Ko je nemška vojska zasedla države, jih je spremljal Gestapo. Ko so bili na tujih dolžnostih, so nosili civilna oblačila ali uniforme SS. Odgovorni so bili za zbiranje komunistov, partizanov in Judov ter drugih, ki so veljali za grožnjo nemški vladavini. Gestapo si je hitro pridobil sloves uporabe brutalnih metod zasliševanja za pridobitev priznanj.

Na sojenju za vojne zločine v Nürnbergu je bil Gestapo obtožen zločinov proti človeštvu. Do takrat je bila večina njenih voditeljev mrtvih ali pa je, podobno kot Heinrich Muller, ušel ujetju in prevzel drugo identiteto.

Postal sem komisar za notranje zadeve v Prusiji in hkrati minister rajha. Prevzel sem veliko odgovornost in pred mano je bilo obsežno področje dela. Jasno je bilo, da bi moral malo uporabiti upravni sistem, kakršen je bil takrat. Moral bi narediti velike spremembe. Najprej se mi je zdelo zelo pomembno, da orožje kriminalne in politične policije trdno vzamem v svoje roke. Tu sem naredil prve obsežne kadrovske menjave. Od 32 policijskih načelnikov sem odstranil 22. Pripeljali so nove moške in v vsakem primeru so ti možje prišli iz velikega rezervoarja nevihtnih čet.

Oddajal sem stroge ukaze in zahteval, naj policija vso svojo moč nameni neusmiljenemu iztrebljanju subverzivnih elementov. Na enem od mojih prvih velikih srečanj v Dortmundu sem izjavil, da bo v prihodnosti samo en človek, ki bo nosil odgovornost v Prusiji, in da sem en sam. Vsaka krogla, izstreljena iz cevi policijske pištole, je bila moja krogla. Če temu rečete umor, potem sem jaz morilec.

Nazadnje sem samo na lastno pobudo ustanovil policijsko enoto državne tajne policije. To je instrument, ki se ga tako zelo bojijo državni sovražniki in je v glavnem odgovoren za dejstvo, da v Nemčiji in Prusiji danes ni govora o marksistični ali komunistični nevarnosti.

Gestapo sem vodil do začetka leta 1934. Medtem je bil Himmler zadolžen za policijo v nemških provincah, razen v Prusiji. Himmler je postal vodja vseh teh policijskih sil in seveda si je zdaj prizadeval pridobiti vodstvo policije tudi v Prusiji. To mi ni bilo všeč, hotel sem sam ravnati s svojo policijo. Ko pa me je Hitler zaprosil in rekel, da bi bilo to pravilno, in to je bilo dokazano, sem policijo dejansko izročil Himmlerju, ki je Heydricha vodil.

Skoraj nemogoče je povedati, kaj se je dogajalo štiri ure in pol, od 17. ure do 21.30 v tisti sobi za zaslišanje. Vse možne krute metode izsiljevanja so bile uporabljene proti meni, da sem na silo in za vsako ceno pridobil priznanja in izjave o aretiranih tovariših in o političnih dejavnostih.

Sprva se je začelo s tistim prijaznim pristopom "dobrega fanta", saj sem nekatere od teh kolegov poznal, ko so bili še člani Severingove politične policije (v času Weimarske republike). Tako so razmišljali z mano itd., Da bi se med tem igrivo vodenim pogovorom naučili nekaj o tem ali onem tovarišu in drugih zadevah, ki

jih je zanimalo. Toda pristop se je izkazal za neuspešnega. Nato so me brutalno napadli in pri tem so mi iz čeljusti izbili štiri zobe. Tudi to se je izkazalo za neuspešno. S tretjim dejanjem so poskusili s hipnozo

je bil tudi popolnoma neučinkovit.

Toda dejanski vrh te drame je bilo zadnje dejanje. Naročili so mi, naj slečem hlače, nato pa sta me dva moška prijela za vrat in me postavila čez podstavek za noge. Uniformirani oficir Gestapa z bičem povodnega konja v roki me je nato z odmerjenimi potezami udaril po zadnjici.

Nato so mi nekaj časa držali usta zaprta in me udarili v obraz ter z bičem po prsih in hrbtu. Nato sem se zgrudil, se valjal po tleh, vedno z obrazom navzdol in nisem več odgovarjal na nobeno njihovo vprašanje. Tu in tam sem dobil nekaj udarcev, si zakril obraz, vendar sem bil že tako izčrpan in srce tako napeto, da mi je skoraj vzelo sapo.

(1) Operacije proti Judom, zlasti proti njihovim sinagogam, se bodo kmalu začele po vsej Nemčiji. Ne sme biti motenj. Vendar pa je treba v posvetovanju z generalno policijo sprejeti ukrepe za preprečitev ropanja in drugih presežkov.

(2) Vse vitalno arhivsko gradivo, ki bi lahko bilo v sinagogah, je treba zavarovati na najhitrejši možni način.

(3) Pripraviti se je treba na aretacijo 20.000 do 30.000 Judov v rajhu. Izbrati je treba zlasti bogate Jude. Nadaljnje direktive bodo objavljene ponoči.

(4) Če se med bližajočimi se operacijami Judje odkrijejo orožje, je treba sprejeti najstrožje ukrepe. Za vse operacije se lahko pokličejo SS Verfuegungstruppen in splošni SS. Državna policija mora v vseh okoliščinah ohraniti nadzor nad operacijami z ustreznimi ukrepi.

Vsi smo odkrili, da lahko človek prenese veliko več bolečine, za katere bi menil, da so možne. Tisti od nas, ki se nikoli nismo naučili moliti, smo to storili zdaj in ugotovili, da lahko molitev in samo molitev prinese tolažbo v tako strašnih stiskah in daje več kot le človeško vzdržljivost. Izvedeli smo tudi, da nam lahko molitve prijateljev in sorodnikov prenašajo tokove in moč.

Med koncem oktobra 1944 in aprilom 1945 smo izvedli tri napade na sedež Gestapa na Danskem. V vsakem primeru je bil primarni cilj uničiti zapise Gestapa in dokaze zoper domoljube, ki so bili aretirani ali pa naj bi bili aretirani zaradi njihovih dejavnosti proti Nemcem, pri čemer je bil drugi cilj poskušati izpustiti zapornike v štabu in ubiti čim več gestapovcev moški, kolikor je mogoče.

Prvi napad je bil usmerjen proti sedežu Gestapa za Jutland, ki je bilo v stavbi na univerzi Aarhus.

Drugi napad je bil proti sedežu Gestapa v Københavnu. Gestapo je zasedel pisarne Shell Oil Company v središču mesta, stavba pa je bila znana kot Shell House. Kot ponavadi smo tarčo in pristope do nje modelirali in operacijo načrtovali z največjo skrbnostjo, ker bi že najmanjša napaka pri navigaciji ali bombardiranju povzročila velike žrtve med Danci. Malo pred operacijo me je skrbelo, ko sem izvedel, da je veliko gibanja odpora zaprtih v enem krilu stavbe in zdelo se je gotovo, da bodo v napadu umrli. O tem sem se pogovarjal z majorjem Truelsonom, ki je bil začasno v mojem štabu, medtem ko smo načrtovali operacijo, in zagotovil mi je, da bodo zaradi našega bombardiranja prej umrli kot pri rokah Nemcev in dodal: "Kdo ve, nekateri morda ne bodo ubiti in uspelo pobegniti, kot se je zgodilo v Aarhusu, in njihova smrt bo tako ali tako rešila še veliko danskih življenj, zato ne skrbite. "

Ob tej priložnosti smo izgubili tri komarje in enega mustanga, vendar nam je uspelo popolnoma porušiti hišo školjk, uničiti vse zapise Gestapa, osvoboditi vse zapornike brez izgube enega življenja in ubiti šestindvajset gestapov. Zame bo vedno ostal čudež, da je kdorkoli v stavbi preživel in pripovedoval zgodbo.

Tretji in zadnji napad na Gestapo na Danskem je bil 17. aprila, ko smo napadli njihov sedež v Odenseju. Bob Bateson s Sismorejem, njegovim navigatorjem, je spet vodil, Peter in jaz sva letela kot njegova številka 2. Imeli smo velike težave pri iskanju cilja, hiše na gosto poseljenem območju in dobro zamaskirane z mrežami. Gotovo smo bili na ciljnem območju vsaj pol ure iskanja in seveda samo povabili težave nemških borcev. Na srečo se niso nikoli pojavili in sčasoma smo naš cilj uničili. Težave, ki smo jih imeli, so se izkazale za srečne, saj so dale ljudem na tem območju čas, da se razpršijo in ni izgubilo niti enega danskega življenja.

Izjavil sem, da nimam več za povedati, nato pa so me hudiči izročili mučiteljem. Pol so me vlekli, pol pa odnesli na podstrešje fakultete, slekli so mi vsa oblačila in si nadeli nove lisice. Njim je bila pritrjena vrvica, ki bi jo lahko zategnili in povzročali neznosno bolečino. Vrgli so me na posteljo in bičali z usnjenim pasjem bičem. Werner in njegova pomočnika sta me nato spet odpeljala v pisarno na nadaljnje zaslišanje. Nenadoma smo zaslišali cviljenje prvih bomb, medtem ko so letala grmela po Univerzi. Wernerjev obraz je bil bled kot smrt od strahu, on in njegovi pomočniki pa so stekli iz sobe. Videl sem jih, kako so izginili po prehodu na desno, in instinktivno sem šel na levo. To mi je rešilo življenje, ker se je kmalu zatem porušila celotna zgradba in umrl Werner in njegovi pomočniki. Kasneje so me rešili danski domoljubi.


Mučenje Gestapa (25 fotografij)

To je majhna čedna hiša v Kristiansadeju ob cesti v pristanišču Stavanger, med vojno pa je bila najbolj grozljiv kraj na jugu Norveške.

& laquoSkrekkens hus & raquo — & laquoHiša terorja & quot —, tako imenovana v mestu. Od januarja 1942 je bila stavba mestnega arhiva sedež Gestapa na jugu Norveške. Ti zaporniki, ki so jih pripeljali sem, so bili opremljeni z mučilnicami, zato so ljudi poslali v koncentracijska taborišča in jih streljali.

zdaj v kleti stavbe, kjer so bile kazenske celice in kjer so mučili zapornike, muzej, ki govori o dogajanju med vojno v stavbi državnega arhiva.

Razporeditev kletnih hodnikov je ostala nespremenjena. Tam so bile le nove luči in vrata. Na glavnem hodniku glavne razstave je urejeno z arhivskim gradivom, fotografijami, plakati.

Tako suspendirana pretepena aretirana veriga.

Tako mučeni z električnimi štedilniki. S posebno vnemo so lahko krvniki vžgali človeške lase na glavi.

O mučenju z vodo sem že pisal. Uporablja se v arhivu.

V tej napravi so s prstom stisnjeni izvlečeni žeblji. Avtomatski stroj po osvoboditvi mesta pred Nemci je ostala oprema za mučenje ostala na mestu in je bila shranjena.

Naslednje — druge naprave za zaslišanje z & quotaddiction & raquo.

Na tem mestu je urejenih več kleti, kot je bilo videti takrat. Ta kamera, v kateri so bili izjemno nevarni zaporniki, ujeta v krempljih pripadnika Gestapa norveškega upora.

V naslednji sobi je bila mučilna komora. Posnela je dejansko sceno mučenja parov pod zemljo, ki jo je leta 1943 posnel Gestapo med sejo z obveščevalnim centrom v Londonu. Dva Gestapa sta pred možem mučila njegovo ženo, priklenjeno na steno. V kotu, na železnem nosilcu, ni uspelo suspendirati enega člana podzemne skupine. Pravijo, da je Gestapo pred zaslišanjem črpal alkohol in droge.

V vsej celici levo, kot da je 43 m. Če obrnete roza stolček, ki stoji ob nogah žensk, lahko vidite oznako Gestapo Kristiansand.

Ta rekonstrukcija zasliševalnega provokatorja agenta Gestapo (levo) predstavlja aretirano tajno skupino radijskih operaterjev (sedi desno v lisicah) njegov radio v kovčku. V središču sedi kristiansandskogo šef Gestapa, SS-Hauptsturmf & uumlhrer Rudolf Kerner — o tem sem moral povedati.

V tej vitrini so predmeti in dokumenti norveških domoljubov, ki jih pošljejo v koncentracijsko taborišče v bližini Oslo Greene — Glavne špediterske postaje na Norveškem, kamor so zapornike poslali v druga koncentracijska taborišča v Evropi.

Zapis različnih skupin zapornikov v koncentracijskem taborišču Auschwitz (Auschwitz-Birkenau). Žid, politik, Romi, španski republikanec, nevaren kriminalec, zločinec, vojni zločinec, Jehovova priča, homoseksualec. Ikona norveškega političnega zapornika je napisala črko N.

Muzej vodi šolske oglede. Naletel sem na enega takšnih — nekaj lokalnih najstnikov, ki so hodili po hodnikih skupaj s Tour Robstadom, prostovoljci lokalnih prebivalcev, ki so preživeli vojno. Pravijo, da letno v Arhivu muzeja obišče okoli 10.000 študentov.

Toure je fantom povedal o Auschwitzu. Dva fanta iz skupine sta bila pred kratkim na turneji.

Sovjetski vojni ujetniki v koncentracijskem taborišču. V roki — domača lesena ptica.

V ločeni izložbi so stvari, ki so jih naredili ruski vojni ujetniki v norveških taboriščih. Te ruske obrtne izdelke so domačini prodajali za hrano. Naša soseda v Kristiansandu je bila na poti v šolo cela zbirka lesenih ptic —, pogosto je srečevala našo skupino zapornikov, ki so hodili na delo pod stražo, in jim dala zajtrk v zameno za izrezljane lesene igrače.

Obnova gverilskega radia. Gverilci na jugu Norveške so Londonu posredovali informacije o gibanju nemških čet, uporabi vojaške opreme in vozil. Na severu norveške obveščevalne službe je dobavljala sovjetsko severno mornarico.

& quotNemaška — narod ustvarjalcev. & quot

Norveški domoljubi so morali delati pod izjemnim pritiskom na Goebbelsovo propagando lokalnega prebivalstva. Nemci so si zadali nalogo zgodnje nacifikacije države. Kvislinška vlada si prizadeva na področju izobraževanja, kulture in športa. Kvislinška nacistična stranka (Nasjonal Samling) pred začetkom vojne je Norvežane navdihnila, da je glavna grožnja njihovi varnosti vojaška moč Sovjetske zveze. Treba je opozoriti, da je ustrahovanje Norvežanov glede sovjetske agresije na severu prispevalo k številnim finskim kampanjam leta 1940. S prihodom Quislinga je le okrepila svojo propagando s pomočjo agencij Goebbelsa. Nacisti na Norveškem so prepričali prebivalstvo, da lahko le močna Nemčija zaščiti Norvežane pred boljševiki.

Več plakatov, ki so jih nacisti razdelili na Norveškem. & laquoNorges nye nabo & raquo — & laquoNova norveška soseda & quot, 1940 Upoštevajte modno in zdaj dobrodošlo & quotinverzijo & quot; latinskih črk za simulacijo cirilice.

Promocija "nove Norvežane" močno poudarja odnos dveh "nordijskih" narodov, njihovo solidarnost v boju proti britanskemu imperializmu in "divje boljševiške horde". Norveški domoljubi kot odgovor na uporabo v svojem boju proti značaju kralja Haakona in njegovi podobi. Geslo kralja & laquoAlt za Norge & raquo je močno zasmehoval naciste, ki so Norvežane navdihnili, da so vojaške težave#8212 začasen pojav, in Vidkuna Quislinga#8212 novega vodjo naroda.

Dve steni v temnih hodnikih muzeja, predani kazenski zadevi, ki so jo sodili na sedmih glavnih gestapovih v Kristiansandu. Norveška sodna praksa v takih primerih še nikoli ni bila##8212 Norvežani so sodili Nemcem in državljanom druge države, obtoženim zločinov na ozemlju Norveške. V proces je bilo vključenih tristo prič, približno ducat odvetnikov, norveški in tuji tisk. Gestapovskim častnikom so sodili zaradi mučenja in zlorabe pripornikov, bila je edina epizoda usmrtitve brez sojenja 30 ruskim in poljskim vojnim ujetnikom 1. 16. junija 1947 so bili prvič obsojeni na smrt in so bili začasno vključeni v kazensko Norveški zakonik po vojni.

Rudolf Kerner — kristiansandskogo šef Gestapa. Nekdanji učitelj čevljarstva. Notorni nemški sadist je imel kriminalno preteklost. Šel na taborišče nekaj sto pripadnikov norveškega upora, je kriv za smrt organizacije, ki je razkrila gestapovske sovjetske vojne ujetnike v koncentracijskem taborišču na jugu Norveške. Tako kot ostali njegovi sostorilci je bil obsojen na smrt, ki je bila kasneje spremenjena v dosmrtni zapor. Izpuščen je bil leta 1953 pod amnestijo, ki jo je objavila norveška vlada. Odšel je v Nemčijo, kjer so se mu izgubile sledi.

Poleg arhivske stavbe je skromen spomenik poginulim pri rokah norveških domoljubov Gestapa. Na lokalnem pokopališču, napodaleku od tega kraja, ležijo ostanki sovjetskih vojnih ujetnikov in britanskih pilotov, ki so jih Nemci sestrelili na nebu nad Kristiansandom. Vsako leto 8. maja na stebrih za zastave v bližini grobov dvignejo zastave ZSSR, Združenega kraljestva in Norveške.

Leta 1997 je bila arhivska stavba, iz katere se je državni arhiv preselil na drugo lokacijo, odločena za prodajo v zasebne roke. Lokalni veterani in javne organizacije so močno nasprotovali organiziranju posebnega odbora in dosegli, da je lastnik stavbe State Concern Statsbygg leta 1998 sprejel zgodovinski odbor za veterane stavb. Zdaj, v istem muzeju, o katerem sem vam že povedal, pisarne norveških in mednarodnih humanitarnih organizacij — Rdečega križa, Amnesty International, Združenih narodov.


Neprevidno šepetanje: kako je nemška javnost uporabljala in zlorabila Gestapo

Gestapo je bil ključni element nacističnega terorističnega sistema. Že sama beseda pričara nočno moro podobe vsemogočne orvelovske tajne policije v stilu "velikega brata", ki nemško javnost drži pod stalnim nadzorom. Filmi, romani in TV dokumentarci so to podobo vtisnili v ljudsko zavest. Toda ali je res? V resnici je bil Gestapo zelo majhna organizacija. Leta 1933 je imela 1000 zaposlenih, na vrhuncu leta 1944 pa je bilo v Nemčiji 16.000 aktivnih častnikov, ki so skrbeli za 66 milijonov prebivalcev. V Düsselfdorfu, ki ima 500.000 prebivalcev, je bilo leta 1937 126 oficirjev Gestapa. Essen je imel 650.000 prebivalcev in le 43. Isti vzorec so ponovili v vseh drugih večjih nemških mestih. Večina podeželskih mest sploh ni imela prisotnosti Gestapa. Gestapo je bil premalo financiran, premalo sredstev in preobremenjen.

Vendar to ne pomeni, da je bil Gestapo šibek ali neučinkovit instrument nacističnega terorja. Da bi nadomestili pomanjkanje osebja, se je Gestapo odločil, da je velika večina prebivalcev zvesta režimu. Svoje vire je neusmiljeno usmerjal proti skupinam v nemški družbi, opredeljenim kot politični nasprotniki, predvsem proti komunistom in socialistom, verskim disidentom, Judom in precej širši skupini "rasnih" sovražnikov, vključno z dolgotrajnimi kriminalci, prostitutkami, homoseksualci, Cigani, mladoletne skupine in dolgotrajno brezposelni. Če niste pripadali nobeni od teh skupin, potem se niste imeli razloga bati, da bi pozno ponoči na vrata potrkal častnik Gestapa.

Gestapo je bil zelo proaktiven pri iskanju komunistov, ki so jih redko obravnavali prizanesljivo. Več kot 70 odstotkov ohranjenih datotek Gestapa se nanaša na komuniste. Leta 1933.600.000 komunistov je bilo aretiranih in 2.000 ubitih v koncentracijskih taboriščih. Ubijalci so bili SS, ne Gestapo. Oktobra 1935 je bilo od 422 ključnih uradnikov Komunistične partije (KPD), ki so bili na položaju leta 1933, 219 v priporu, 125 v izgnanstvu, 24 jih je bilo ubitih, 42 jih je zapustilo stranko, le 12 pa jih je bilo še na begu. Tipična je usoda komunistične aktivistke Eve Buch. Eva je študirala tuje jezike na univerzi Humboldt, ko se je vključila v socialistično odporniško skupino, imenovano Rdeči orkester. Imeli so sodelavce v akademskem svetu in na ministrstvu za letalstvo. Obtožili so jih, da so skrivnosti posredovali Sovjetski zvezi. 10. oktobra 1942 je Gestapo aretiral Evo, potem ko je vdrl v njeno stanovanje in odkril protinacistično zloženko, ki jo je prevedla v francoščino. Ko ji je uradnik Gestapa med zaslišanjem povedal, da bi do nje ravnali mileje, če bi imenovala druge sodelavce v skupini, je odgovorila: 'To bi me tako znižalo, kot želite, da se pojavim.' Bila je obsojena na smrt.

Pogumni posamezniki, kot je ta, se pogosto pojavljajo v gestapovskih datotekah, povezanih tudi z verskimi nasprotniki. Zgodba o Paulu Schneiderju je še posebej junaška. Bil je protestantski evangeličanski pridigar, ki je nasprotoval poskusu nacifikacije luteranskih cerkva. Pozimi 1935–36 je bil Schneider Gestapu prijavljen kar dvanajstkrat zaradi antinacističnih pripomb. Prepovedati mu je bilo prepovedano. Gestapo ga je poslal v razvpito koncentracijsko taborišče Buchenwald in ga dal v samico. Vsak večer je glasno recitiral odlomke iz Svetega pisma iz okna svoje celice, da bi potolažil druge zapornike. Zaradi tega so ga stražarji SS podvrgli brutalnemu pretepanju. Karl-Otto Koch, poveljnik taborišča, je spoznal, da ne more zlomiti Schneiderja. Ponudil mu je možnost izpustitve, če bi podpisal izjavo, v kateri je obljubil, da nikoli več ne bo pridigal. Schneider ga ni hotel podpisati. 18. julija 1939 je bil ubit s smrtonosno injekcijo. Star je bil 27 let.

Ocenjuje se, da se je le 15 odstotkov primerov Gestapa začelo zaradi operacij nadzora. Mnogo večje število se je začelo po dopisu javnosti. Vse obtožbe, ne glede na to, kako malenkostne so preučevali s natančno in dolgotrajno temeljitostjo. Ocenjuje se, da je bilo približno 40 odstotkov teh obtožb osebno motiviranih. Berlinski trgovec je prijavil prostitutko, ki mu je dala spolno bolezen. Odpeljali so jo v koncentracijsko taborišče. Uradniki Gestapa so bili zelo pozorni na može in žene, ki so se medsebojno obveščali. Gospodinja v Mannheimu je za Gestapo povedala, da njen mož daje omalovažujoče komentarje o Hitlerjevem režimu. Po dolgotrajni preiskavi se je izkazalo, da si žena želi, da bi njen mož nadaljeval ljubezensko razmerje z vojakom, ki ni na dolžnosti. V drugem primeru sta sodelovala dva poročena zdravnika. Žena je moža obtožila nezakonitih splavov. To ga je pripeljalo do aretacije in zapora. Mož je trdil, da ima njegova žena maščevalni motiv. Mož je med svojo ljubeznijo prenesel spolno prenosljivo bolezen na ženo. Njen motiv je bilo maščevanje, vendar je služil osem mesecev v zaporu, preden se je to dokončno ugotovilo.

Med drugo svetovno vojno so se odpovedi povečale, ko je prišlo do številnih novih predpisov. To je bila zlata doba za ostrostrelce. Zlasti en prekršek je bil v veliki meri odvisen od dojav javnosti: poslušanje tujih radijskih oddaj, zlasti BBC. Peter Holdenberg, 64-letni trgovec z invalidnimi knjigami, ki je živel v Essnu, je soseda Helen Stuffel obtožila tega kaznivega dejanja, za katero je bila izrečena zaporna kazen do 18 mesecev. Poslušala je ob steni sosednjega Petra. Rekla je, da ga je zvečer jasno slišala poslušati programe BBC. Druga soseda, Irmgard Pierce, je potrdila njene trditve. Holdenberga je Gestapo pripeljal na zaslišanje 10. decembra 1942. "Vse to je zarota," se je pritožil. "V preteklosti sem imel težave s Stuffelom in Pierce jo je vedno podpiral." Obtožbe je opisal kot neumne tračeve. Sploh ni bil antinacist. Izkušnja njegove aretacije in pripora v gestapovski celici je bila očitno globoko travmatična. Na večer aretacije so Holdenberga našli obešenega v celici. Naslednji dan je umrl v bolnišnici, ne da bi prišel k zavesti. Njegov obtoževalec je povzročil njegovo smrt.

Nemška javnost se je postopoma zavedala izrekanja kritičnih komentarjev proti režimu v javnosti. Študija o odpovedih iz sodnih spisov bavarskega mesta Augsburg kaže, da se je leta 1933 75 odstotkov primerov začelo z obtožbo, potem ko so v pubih slišali antinacistične komentarje, leta 1939 pa je ta številka padla na 10 odstotkov.

Če se uspeh policije meri s številom primerov, ki se končajo s sodbo, se lahko Gestapo šteje za zelo neučinkovitega. Študija vzorca primerov, ki so se začeli z javnimi dokazi z območja Würzburga, je pokazala, da je le 20 odstotkov kdaj šlo na sodišče, ogromnih 75 odstotkov pa ni bilo obsojenih.

Gestapo je spoznal, da preiskovanje lažnih obtožb zapravlja veliko časa. V pismu Ministrstva za pravosodje iz Berlina z dne 1. avgusta 1943 je pisalo: "Obtoževalec je največji podlac v vsej državi."

Gestapo: Mit in resničnost Hitlerjeve tajne policije avtorja Frank McDonough je založba Coronet, 20 funtov. McDonough je profesor mednarodne zgodovine na univerzi John Moores v Liverpoolu in je specializiran za zgodovino tretjega rajha.


Učitelj zgodovine, ki je prelisičil Gestapo

Rojen upornik
Lucie Bernard se je rodila leta 1912 v majhni občini Ch âtenay-sur-Seine v severovzhodni Franciji, jugovzhodno od Pariza. Kot najstnica se je uprla željam svojih staršev, saj se ni hotela izobraževati za učitelja v osnovni šoli, kar je trden položaj, ki bi njeni delavski družini pomagal napredovati po družbeni lestvici. Namesto tega se je pri 19 letih sama preselila v Pariz in začela študirati, da bi vstopila v elitno Sorbono.

Lucie in Raymond Aubrac. (Zasluge: Chicago Review Press)

Načelo zavrnitve v francoščini, ki bi opredelilo življenje Lucie, razvito zgodaj, pravi Si ân Rees, avtorica nedavno objavljene knjige Lucia Aubrac: Francoska junakinja upora, ki je preglasila Gestapo, ” prva biografija Lucie v angleškem jeziku. “Nikoli ni odstopala od svojih načel ali političnih prepričanj, med katerimi je najpomembnejše zagotovilo svobode, piše ” Rees.

Zaskrbljena zaradi revščine, ki jo je med veliko depresijo videla v Parizu, je Lucie postala navdušena članica francoske komunistične partije. Končno se je kvalificirala za vstop na Sorbono leta 1937 in diplomirala v enem letu, kjer je osvojila prvo učiteljsko mesto na lyc ພ (eni od francoskih srednjih šol, ki jih financira država) v Strasbourgu, ki leži le dve milji od reke Ren Francoska meja z Nemčijo.

Vojna ljubezenska zgodba
Leta 1939 je spoznala in se zaljubila v Raymonda Samuela, študenta inženirstva iz premožne judovske družine. Kasneje istega leta se je pripravljala na odhod v ZDA, saj je prejela štipendijo. Toda 1. septembra, štiri dni preden je Lucie plula proti New Yorku, so nemške čete napadle Poljsko, zaradi česar so Britanijo, Francijo in druge zavezniške države napovedale vojno Nemčiji. Lucie je odpovedala potovanje, uspela je priti čez Francijo in se tihotapiti v Strasbourg —, nato pa prepovedati civiliste —, tako da je prepričala vojaške medicince, naj jo nosijo na nosilih. Ponovno sta se decembra z Raymondom poročila.

Raymond Aubrac med drugo svetovno vojno. (Zasluge: Apic/Getty Images)

Po devetih mesecih spopadov s francoskimi četami čez mejo je Nemčija spomladi 1940 napadla Francijo in Raymond je bil eden od skoraj 2 milijonov francoskih vojakov, ujetih v samo nekaj tednih bojev. Ponižena francoska vlada se je obrnila na maršala Phillipa P étain, 84-letnega junaka prve svetovne vojne, ki je takoj podpisal premirje z Nemčijo.

Ker je vedela, da mora rešiti svojega moža, preden je bil premeščen v nacistično taborišče za ujetnike v Nemčiji, je Lucie spet nevarno prečkala Francijo do mesta, kjer so ga pridržali v Sarrebourgu. Med kratkim obiskom je Raymondu diskretno posredovala zdravilo, ki bi povzročilo zvišano telesno temperaturo, ko so ga premestili v bolnišnico, lahko je tihotapila pod krinko, ki mu je omogočila pobeg. Mladi par je bival v hotelu (kjer je bila večina drugih gostov nemških častnikov), preden je z vlakom pobegnil v Lyon, najpomembnejše mesto v Franciji, tako imenovano “ prost cono. ”

Pridružitev uporu
Za razliko od mnogih v Franciji si Lucie nikoli ni delala iluzij, da je vlada P étain's s sedežem v zdraviliškem mestu Vichy legitimna. Jeseni 1940 je Lucie po svojem preizkušenem načelu le refus postala ena prvih članic francoskega upora, naraščajočega gibanja, namenjenega spodkopavanju režima Vichy. Čeprav je očitno živela pridno življenje kot žena, mati (Jean-Pierre, znan kot Boubou, rojen leta 1941) in učitelj, je bila Lucie tudi podzemna borka za svobodo, ki je pomagala pri izdaji revije Lib ération, razstavljala pakete, razdeljevala propagando in pomoč zapornikom, da pobegnejo.

Klaus Barbie, “ Mesar iz Lyona, ” leta 1944. (Zasluge: Gabriel Hackett/Hultonov arhiv/Getty Images)

Do konca leta 1942 so Nemci zasedli vso Francijo. Začele so se obsežne deportacije Judov, čeprav se takrat nihče ni zavedal grozljive realnosti Končne rešitve. Tisto zimo je v Lyon prišel Klaus Barbie iz Geheime Staatspolizei ali Gestapo. V prizadevanju, da bi prodrl in uničil upor, si je zaželel zasliševanje in “ourning ” ujete upornike v dvojne agente. Marca 1943 je Gestapo aretiral Raymonda, ki je takrat uporabljal priimek Aubrac. Čeprav je bil zadolžen za novačenje in usposabljanje vojakov za odporniško organizacijo Lib ération-Sud, je bil Raymond (aretiran pod vzdevkom Fran çois Vallet) izpuščen, potem ko je Nemce prepričal, da prodaja stvari samo na črnem trgu.

Prelisičiti Gestapo
21. junija pa je bil Raymond skupaj z glavnim odpornikom Jeanom Moulinom znova aretiran v gestapovski raciji v predmestju Lyona v Caluiru. Barbie in njegovi častniki so oba moška pretepli in mučili. Moulin bi zaradi njegovih poškodb pozneje umrl. Medtem ko je bil Raymond v zaporu v Montlucu, je Lucie — noseča s svojim drugim otrokom takrat obiskala Barbie in prosila, naj njeno 𠇏ianc é ” zaradi njegovega slabega zdravja izpustijo. Potem ko je Barbie odločno zavrnila njene prošnje, se je Lucie spet vrnila in jo obvestil, da je bil Raymond (ali bolje rečeno, 𠇏ran çois Vallet ”) obsojen na smrt.

Stran iz ameriškega stripa s podrobnostmi o odpornem delu Lucie. (Zasluge: Chicago Review Press)

Even as Lucie visited Lyon’s morgues, hoping not to find her husband’s body, she didn’t give up on her rescue plan. She gained access to another German officer and won his sympathy, citing a French law allowing prisoners condemned to death to marry. The ruse worked, and on October 21 the “wedding” took place at Gestapo headquarters. An hour later, as the Germans transported Raymond back to prison, Lucie and several other armed members of the Resistance attacked the van, killing several German officers and freeing Raymond along with 16 other prisoners.

National Heroes
Exposed and wanted by the Nazis, the Aubracs went into hiding with their young son, moving from safe house to safe house until they were finally evacuated to Britain in February 1944. (Lucie gave birth to a daughter, Catherine, only days after their arrival.) The Allied press celebrated the couple𠅊nd especially Lucie𠅏or their heroism, and held them up as symbols of the valiant French Resistance.

Soon after June 6, 1944, when British and U.S. troops landed successfully in Normandy, Lucie traveled back to France as a representative of the Free French government of Charles de Gaulle. She was on hand in Paris on August 25, when the German garrison in that city surrendered to Allied troops and General de Gaulle addressed the jubilant crowds outside the Hotel de Ville.

Post-War Legacy (and Controversy)
The Aubracs’ triumphant post-war return was tinged with sadness, as Raymond’s parents had been deported to Auschwitz in January 1944. Lucie began teaching history again, and would spend the rest of her life speaking to thousands of students about the Resistance. She also campaigned against discrimination, and on behalf of progressive causes, such as Algerian independence. In 1996, she was presented with France’s highest award, the Legion of Honor, for her role in the Resistance.


Nazifying the Political Police

On January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed chancellor of Germany. Hitler and other Nazi leaders planned to establish a dictatorship. They also planned to eliminate all political opposition. The new Nazi regime intended to use Germany’s political police to accomplish these goals. However, there were some obstacles to overcome.

Obstacles to Nazifying the Political Police

Initially, there were two main obstacles:

  1. First, the Weimar Republic’s constitution remained in effect. It contained legal protections against arbitrary police actions.
  2. Second, Germany’s political police forces were decentralized. They remained subordinate to various state and local governments. The police did not answer to Hitler as chancellor.

These two obstacles limited how Hitler and the Nazi regime could legally use the political police. For example, in the first weeks of the Nazi regime, the Nazis could not simply order the political police to arrest Communists without a legal basis. But this quickly changed.

Overcoming Legal Obstacles

Beginning in February 1933, the Nazi regime used emergency decrees to transform Germany. These decrees freed the political police from legal and constitutional limitations. The most important of these was the Reichstag Fire Decree. It was issued on February 28, 1933. This decree suspended individual rights and legal protections, such as the right to privacy. This made it easier for the police to investigate, interrogate, and arrest political opponents. Police could now read private mail, secretly listen to telephone calls, and search homes without warrants.


Opombe

obscured text on front cover
some text cut due to tight margin

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American Gestapo

Joseph Bolanos&rsquo reputation as a pillar of New York City&rsquos Upper West Side community was shredded in February when FBI agents and heavily armed police raided his mother&rsquos apartment where Bolanos was spending the night. They handcuffed him while other agents battered down the door to his home and kept him in the street in full view of the neighbors while they ransacked both apartments.

During this raid Bolanos suffered a stroke&mdashthe first of two caused by the stress of this gross miscarriage of justice. The reason for this federal assault was that Bolanos, a registered Democrat, had attended part of the Trump rally on Jan. 6 in Washington, D.C. He and his friends never went inside the Capitol Building, but a neighbor overheard him talking about the rally and alerted the Feds.

Bolanos was one of more than 500 people arrested for their activities during the January breach of the Capitol, and the numbers continue to grow. These ongoing arrests, the reputations they have destroyed, and the absurd and excessive force used to take people like Bolanos into custody should raise some frightening questions about the state of freedom in America. It is horrifying that our federal government has unleashed FBI agents and police on American citizens in ways so closely resembling the tactics of Communist China.

Miranda Devine tells the sickening story of the 69-year-old Bolanos&rsquos arrest in a piece for the New York Post. Before the arrest, Bolanos was known in his neighborhood for his care of his 94-year-old mother and for often helping out his neighbors. He became a Red Cross volunteer after the 9/11 attacks and even received a commendation from the police after rescuing a woman from a mugger.

Though he was never charged with a crime, the neighbors who once regarded Bolanos as a lovable character and an asset to the neighborhood now shun him as a domestic terrorist.

Now let&rsquos head south to Florida, where police last week arrested 73-year-old pastor and Vietnam War veteran James Cusick for being inside the Capitol building during the riot. As reported by Gateway Pundit&rsquos Cassandra Fairbanks, Cusick claims no one told him not to enter the building, and the police with whom he chatted even directed him to a bathroom. (Anyone who was in Washington for this rally knows how few portable toilets the city provided for the hundreds of thousands of attendees.)

The police also took into custody Cusick&rsquos son and one of Cusick&rsquos friends, both of whom had also attended the rally. When Cusick&rsquos daughter asked the officers why they were arresting her father, the police seemed embarrassed and answered they were only doing their job.

The federal government is still holding many of those who participated in the Jan. 6 protests in solitary confinement in a Washington jail months after the event, with no trial in sight. Not only are they still imprisoned, they are being put through reeducation camps. Julie Kelly, reporting for American Greatness, writes of court-appointed lawyers pushing anti-American propaganda on their clients, with whom they have many political disagreements.

And what of those protesters on the political left, who rioted over the last year, burning buildings, smashing windows, looting stores, and attacking both innocent bystanders and police in cities across the United States? Many of those arrested were never tried and were released without bail. In New York City, for example, hundreds who participated in riots there a year ago have had their charges dropped. The District Attorney&rsquos office claims they are overwhelmed by a backlog of cases from the lengthy closure of the courts during the pandemic.

We should be outraged by this discrepancy in treatment, and what it reveals about the corruption within the Department of Justice, the FBI, and other branches of our law enforcement. What sort of government treats its citizens so despicably? One might also ask why those who actually committed violent acts of arson, looting, and assaults aren&rsquot facing similar consequences. Furthermore, why aren&rsquot our elected representatives doing more to rectify this situation? Who&rsquos really in charge of our government?

We expect to find such blatant injustice in places like Communist China, Cuba, Venezuela, certain nations in the Middle East and Africa, and some other countries around the world. But in the United States of America?

Whatever one&rsquos political persuasion&mdashconservative, liberal, progressive, libertarian&mdashthese raids and arrests should frighten and anger all Americans. If the authorities can arrest and abuse good citizens like Bolanos and Cusick while allowing real rioters to go free, they can do the same to the rest of us.

Sooner or later, the foot soldiers in law enforcement who are conducting these raids and making these arrests need to wake up. &ldquoI&rsquom just doing my job&rdquo applies when you&rsquore arresting real criminals, but it&rsquos also the watchword of fascists and communists.

It is time for all of us to wake up.

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Daily operations [ edit | uredi vir]

Gestapo were also present in concentration camps as here in Lager Nordhausen, a subcamp of the Mittelbau-Dora KZ complex, 12 April 1945

Contrary to popular belief, the Gestapo was not the all-pervasive, omnipotent agency in German society. ⎪] In Germany proper, many towns and cities had fewer than 50 official Gestapo personnel. For example, in 1939 Stettin and Frankfurt am Main only had a total of 41 Gestapo men combined. ⎪] In Düsseldorf, the local Gestapo office of only 281 men were responsible for the entire Lower Rhine region, which comprised 4 million people. ⎫] "V-men", as undercover Gestapo agents were known, were used to infiltrate Social Democratic and Communist opposition groups, but this was more the exception, not the rule. ⎬] The Gestapo office in Saarbrücken had 50 full-term informers in 1939. ⎬] The District Office in Nuremberg, which had the responsibility for all of northern Bavaria, employed a total of 80–100 full-term informers between 1943 and 1945. ⎬] The vast majority of Gestapo informers were not full-term informers working undercover, but were rather ordinary citizens who for whatever reason chose to denounce those they knew to the Gestapo. ⎭]

According to Canadian historian Robert Gellately's analysis of the local offices established, the Gestapo was—for the most part—made up of bureaucrats and clerical workers who depended upon denunciations by citizens for their information. ⎮] Gellately argued that it was because of the widespread willingness of Germans to inform on each other to the Gestapo that Germany between 1933 and 1945 was a prime example of panopticism. ⎯] Indeed, the Gestapo—at times—was overwhelmed with denunciations and most of its time was spent sorting out the credible from the less credible denunciations. ⎰] Many of the local offices were understaffed and overworked, struggling with the paper load caused by so many denunciations. ⎱] Gellately has also suggested that the Gestapo was "a reactive organization" ". which was constructed within German society and whose functioning was structurally dependent on the continuing co-operation of German citizens". ⎲]

After 1939, when many Gestapo personnel were called up for war-related work such as service with the Einsatzgruppen, the level of overwork and understaffing at the local offices increased. ⎱] For information about what was happening in German society, the Gestapo continued to be mostly dependent upon denunciations. ⎳] 80% of all Gestapo investigations were started in response to information provided by denunciations by ordinary Germans while 10% were started in response in to information provided by other branches of the German government and another 10% started in response to information that the Gestapo itself unearthed. ⎰ ]

Thus, it was ordinary Germans by their willingness to denounce one another who supplied the Gestapo with the information that determined whom the Gestapo arrested. ⎳] The popular picture of the Gestapo with its spies everywhere terrorizing German society has been rejected by many historians as a myth invented after the war as a cover for German society's widespread complicity in allowing the Gestapo to work. ⎳] ⎴] Work done by social historians such as Detlev Peukert, Robert Gellately, Reinhard Mann, Inge Marssolek, René Otto, Klaus-Michael Mallamann and Paul Gerhard, which by focusing on what the local offices were doing has shown the GestapoTemplate:'s almost total dependence on denunciations from ordinary Germans, and very much discredited the older "Big Brother" picture with the Gestapo having its eyes and ears everywhere. ⎵] For example, of the 84 cases in Würzburg of rassenschande (race defilement) as sex with Jews were known under the Nuremberg Laws, 45 (54%) were started in response to denunciations by ordinary people, two (2%) by information provided by other branches of the government, 20 (24%) via information gained during interrogations of people relating to other matters, four (5%) from information from (Nazi) NSDAP organizations, two (2%) during "political evaluations" and 11 (13%) have no source listed while none were started by GestapoTemplate:'s own "observations" of the people of Würzburg. ⎶]

An examination of 213 denunciations in Düsseldorf showed that 37% were motivated by personal conflicts, no motive could be established in 39%, and 24% were motivated by support for the Nazi regime. ⎷] The Gestapo always showed a special interest in denunciations concerning sexual matters, especially cases concerning rassenschande with Jews or between Germans and Polish slave workers Jews and Catholicism and homosexuality. ⎸] As time went by, anonymous denunciations to the Gestapo caused trouble to various NSDAP officials, who often found themselves being investigated by the Gestapo. ⎹ ]

Of the political cases, 61 people were investigated for suspicion of belonging to the KPD, 44 for the SPD and 69 for other political parties. ⎺] Most of the political investigations took place between 1933–35 with the all time high of 57 cases in 1935. ⎺] After that year, political investigations declined with only 18 investigations in 1938, 13 in 1939, two in 1941, seven in 1942, four in 1943 and one in 1944. ⎺] The "other" category associated with non-conformity included everything from a man who drew a caricature of Hitler to a Catholic teacher suspected of being lukewarm about teaching National Socialism in his classroom. ⎺] The "administrative control" category concerned whose were breaking the law concerning residency in the city. ⎺] The "conventional criminality" category concerned economic crimes such as money laundering, smuggling and homosexuality. ⎻ ]

Normal methods of investigation included various forms of blackmail, threats and extortion to secure "confessions". ⎼] Beyond that, sleep deprivation and various forms of harassment were used as investigative methods. ⎼] Failing that, torture and planting evidence were common methods of resolving a case, especially if the case concerned someone Jewish. ⎽]


Karl Silberbauer-the man who arrested Anne Frank and her family.

Karl Josef Silberbauer (21 June 1911 – 2 September 1972) was an Austrian police officer, SS-Oberscharführer (staff sergeant), and undercover investigator for the West German Federal Intelligence Service. Silberbauer is best known, however, for his activities in Nazi-occupied Amsterdam during World War II. In 1963, Silberbauer, by then an Inspector in the Vienna police, was exposed as the commander of the 1944 Gestapo raid on the Secret Annex and the arrests of Anne Frank, her fellow fugitives, and their protectors

Born in Vienna, Silberbauer served in the Austrian military before following his father into the police force in 1935. Four years later, he joined the Gestapo, moved to the Netherlands, and in 1943 transferred to the Sicherheitsdienst in The Hague. He was then assigned to Amsterdam and attached to “Sektion IV B 4”, a unit recruited from Austrian and German police departments and which handled arrests of hidden Jews throughout the occupied Netherlands.

Silberbauer was employed directly by Eichmann and answered to him at Berlin’s infamous department IVB4, the headquarters of the programme to exterminate the Jews.

His job was to transfer non-Jews who helped Jews, those who sheltered English pilots and those who listened to the English radio to concentration camps.

Silberbauer was the officer in charge of the Gestapo squad which arrested the Frank family on 4 August, 1944. After the War, the Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal tracked down Silberbauer, who was working as police inspector in Vienna.

On 4 August 1944, Silberbauer was ordered by his superior, SS-Obersturmführer (lieutenant) Julius Dettmann, to investigate a tip-off that Jews were being hidden in the upstairs rooms at Prinsengracht 263.

He took a few Dutch policemen with him and interrogated Victor Kugler about the entrance to the hiding place. Miep Gies and Johannes Kleiman were also questioned, and while Kugler and Kleimann were arrested, Gies was allowed to stay on the premises. Both Otto Frank and Karl Silberbauer were interviewed after the war about the circumstances of the raid, with both describing Silberbauer’s surprise that those in hiding had been there more than two years. Frank recalled Silberbauer confiscating their valuables and money, taking these spoils away in Otto Frank’s briefcase, which he had emptied onto the floor scattering out the papers and notebooks which made up the diary of Anne Frank.

Soon after, Gentile protectors Kugler and Johannes Kleiman, together with Otto Frank, Edith Frank-Holländer, Margot Frank, Anne Frank, Hermann van Pels, Auguste van Pels, Peter van Pels, and Fritz Pfeffer, were arrested and taken to Gestapo headquarters in Amsterdam.(below is the red cross card of Johannes Kleiman after his arrest)

From there, the eight who had been in hiding were sent to the Westerbork transit camp and then to Auschwitz concentration camp. Soon after, Margo Frank and Anne Frank were sent to Bergen-Belsen, where they would die of typhus, three weeks before the camp was liberated by British forces. Victor Kugler and Jo Kleiman were sent to work camps. Of the ten, only Otto Frank, Kugler, and Kleiman survived.

Silberbauer returned to Vienna in April 1945 and served a fourteen-month prison sentence for using excessive force against members of the Communist Party of Austria.After his release, Silberbauer was recruited by the West German Federal Intelligence Service (BND), and spent ten years as an undercover operative. Po navedbah Der Spiegel reporter Peter-Ferdinand Koch, who learned of his postwar activities while researching BND employment of former Nazis, Silberbauer infiltrated neo-Nazi and Pro-Soviet organizations in West Germany and Austria. His BND handlers believed, correctly, that Silberbauer’s past membership in the SS would blind neo-Nazis to his true loyalties.

Possibly due to BND pressure, Silberbauer was reinstated by the Viennese Kriminalpolizei (Kripo) in 1954, four years after the German publication of Anne Frank’s diary and was promoted to the rank of Inspektor.

He is quoted as saying of Anne Frank’s diary: “I bought the little book last week to see if I am in it. But I am not. Maybe I should have picked it up off the floor.”

Holocaust survivor and Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal began searching for Silberbauer in 1958, upon being challenged by Austrian Holocaust deniers to prove that Anne Frank actually existed. One Holocaust denier stated that, if Anne Frank’s arresting officer were found and admitted it, he would change his mind.

During the 1948 Dutch police investigation into the raid on the Secret Annex, Silberbauer’s name had been disclosed as “Silvernagel”. The Dutch police detectives who had assisted with the raid were identified by Miep Gies, who recalled their commander as having a working-class Vienna accent.

The Dutch policemen claimed to remember nothing except an erroneous form of their superior’s surname.

Wiesenthal considered contacting Anne’s father, Otto Frank, but learned that he was speaking out in favor of forgiveness and reconciliation. Otto Frank also believed that the person responsible for the denunciation to the Gestapo, not the arresting officers, bore the greatest responsibility. Wiesenthal, however, was determined to discredit the growing Holocaust denial movement and continued his search for “Silvernagel”. In late spring 1963, after ruling out numerous Austrians with similar names, Wiesenthal was loaned a wartime Gestapo telephone book by Dutch investigators. During a two-hour flight from Amsterdam to Vienna, Wiesenthal found the name “Silberbauer” listed as attached to “Sektion IV B 4” and could not wait for his plane to land.

Upon his arrival in Vienna, Wiesenthal immediately telephoned Dr. Josef Wiesinger, who investigated Nazi crimes for the Austrian Ministry of the Interior. Upon being told that Silberbauer might still be a policeman, Wiesinger insisted that there were “at least six men on the Vienna police force” with the same surname and demanded a written request. On 2 June 1963, Wiesenthal submitted a detailed request but was told for months that the Vienna police were not yet ready to release their findings.

In reality, the Vienna police identified Inspektor Silberbauer almost immediately.

When he had admitted his role in arresting Anne Frank, the department had been terrified of the bad press that would result from disclosing his past. Therefore, the Vienna police suspended Silberbauer from the Kripo without pay, ordered him to “keep his mouth shut”, about the reasons for his suspension. Instead, Silberbauer lamented his suspension and disclosed the reasons for it to a colleague. His fellow officer, a member of the Communist Party of Austria, immediately leaked the story to the Party’s official newspaper, who published it on 11 November 1963. After Izvestia praised “the detective work of the Austrian comrades”, an infuriated Wiesenthal leaked Silberbauer’s address to the Dutch media. When reporters descended upon Silberbauer’s Vienna home, the policeman freely admitted that he had arrested Anne Frank.

Silberbauer’s memories of the arrest were notably vivid – he in particular recalled Otto and Anne Frank. When he asked Otto Frank how long they had been in hiding, Frank answered, “Two years and one month.” Silberbauer was incredulous, until Otto stood Anne against the marks made on the wall to measure her height since they had arrived in the annex, showing that she had grown even since the last mark had been made. Silberbauer said that Anne “looked like the pictures in the books, but a little older, and prettier. ‘You have a lovely daughter’, I said to Mr. Frank”.

Although he disclosed what he knew, Silberbauer was unable to provide any information that could help further the Dutch police’s investigation into the Dutch collaborator who provided the tip. He explained that the call was taken by his commanding officer, SS Lieutenant Julius Dettmann, who said only that the information came from “a reliable source”. As Dettmann had committed suicide in a POW camp after the end of the war, the second investigation also hit a dead end.

Although the Austrian government stated that the arrest of Anne Frank “did not warrant Silberbauer’s arrest or prosecution as a war criminal”, the Vienna Police convened a disciplinary hearing. Among the witnesses was Otto Frank, who testified that Silberbauer had “only done his duty and behaved correctly” during the arrest. Otto Frank added, however, “The only thing I ask is not to have to see the man again.”

As a result, the police review board exonerated Silberbauer of any official guilt. His unpaid suspension was lifted and the Vienna police assigned him to a desk job in the “Identification Office”, or Erkennungsamt.

However ,Silberbauer,was not only responsible for ruining the lives of Anne Frank and her family but of hundreds of other Dutch people.


Goering on the formation of the Gestapo (1934)

In 1934, Nazi deputy leader Hermann Goering provided his own account of the formation of the Gestapo secret police agency the previous year:

“For weeks I personally undertook the work of reorganisation and finally, it was my personal decision to create the Secret State Police Office. This instrument, so much feared by our enemies, is the principal reason why in Germany and Prussia there is today no Marxist or Communist menace. Ignoring seniority, I put the most able men into the Secret State Police Office and put it under one of the most able young officials. Daily I am again and again convinced that I chose the right men. The job that the Office Chief, Rudolf Diels and his men did will always remain one of the principal achievements of the first year of German recovery.

The SA and SS actively supported my efforts. Without their help, I would never have been able to master our enemies so quickly. Since then I have once again reorganised the secret police and put them under my direct command. By means of a network of offices around Germany, with Berlin as the headquarters, I am kept informed daily, even hourly, of everything that happens in the diverse regions of Prussia. The last hideout of the Communists is known to us, and no matter how often they change their tactics, or rename their couriers, within a few days they are again tracked down, registered, monitored, and broken up.

We have had to proceed against the enemies of the state with total ruthlessness. It must not be forgotten that when we took over the government over 6 million people still supported the Communists… The greater part were good Germans led astray by this insane worldview, but also by the spinelessness and weakness of the middle-class parties. All the greater was the need to rescue these people from error and to lead them back into the national community. But it was just as necessary to proceed mercilessly against the deceivers, the agitators, and the leaders themselves. Thus concentration camps were established, in which we had first to intern thousands of officials of the Communist and Social Democratic Parties.

It was only natural that certain excesses occurred in the beginning. Of course here and there, innocents were also affected. Of course here and there, a few beatings took place and brutal acts were committed. But measured against everything that preceded it, and against the greatness of the occasion, this German revolution for freedom was the most bloodless and most disciplined revolution in history.”


Poglej si posnetek: Gestapo (Maj 2022).


Komentarji:

  1. Voodookree

    Imate dober blog.

  2. Doura

    Tudi jaz sem navdušen nad tem vprašanjem. Tell to me please - where I can read about it?

  3. Medredydd

    Bravo, I think this is a wonderful idea



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