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13. februar 1943

13. februar 1943

13. februar 1943

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Potopljena nemška podmornica U-620 z vsemi rokami proč od Lizbone



Ta teden v zgodovini AG & mdash 13. februar 1943

Vlada Združenih držav Amerike med drugo svetovno vojno ni dovolila, da bi služile kot vojaški kaplani, vendar to ni odvrnilo Minne Seaholm (1894-1944), evangelistke skupščine Boga, ki je čutila klic, naj služi mladim moškim v uniformi. 1943 Binkoštni evangel članek z naslovom & ldquoNaša gospa kaplan & rdquo je poročala o svojih dejavnostih in ugotovila, da je premagala precejšnje možnosti, da bi sledila klicu Boga & rsquos.

Seaholm je služil kot kaplan v vojaških oporiščih in taboriščih Civil Conservation Corps. Zbirka Božje literature je redno objavljala poročila o njenih srečanjih, Ministrstvo za notranje misije (danes misije ZDA) pa je zbiralo daritve v njeno pomoč. Pogosto je imela vsak dan tri ali štiri govorne naloge. Njena vsrkavajoča strast, & rdquo je članek pojasnjeval, je bila ponuditi mladim moškim & ldquo priložnost, da najdejo Boga, preden gredo v nevarnosti in negotovosti vojne. & rdquo

Seaholm je imel težave pri pridobivanju uradnega vladnega dovoljenja za sestanek s četami in za sestanke v oporiščih. Vendar pa je članek poročal, da Seaholm "nikoli ni bil zaskrbljen" in je vzpostavil stik s predsednikom Franklinom Rooseveltom in drugimi visokimi častniki v vojski. Uspelo ji je priti do številnih taborišč in baz po Združenih državah Amerike, govorila pa je tudi na srednjih šolskih zborih. Čeprav Seaholm kot kaplan ni prevzel provizije pri vladi Združenih držav (vojska je kaplanstvo omejilo na moške do leta 1974), je v članku navedeno, da je "njena provizija odobrena iz nebeškega vira".

Preberite članek, "Kapelan Gospe naše", na strani 11 izdaje časopisa 13. februar 1943 Binkoštni evangel. V tej številki je predstavljeno tudi:

& bull "Zakaj pridigati o božanskem zdravljenju danes?" avtor Lee Krupnick

& bull "Sporočilo brazgotin" Noela Perkina

& bull "Vprašanja samopreizkusa za kristjane" W. R. Mungerja

Binkoštni evangel arhivirane izdaje z dovoljenjem Centra cvetlične binkoštne dediščine.


Atlantski ocean – 13. februarja 1943

O tej nesreči ni na voljo veliko informacij, saj so bila poročila nejasna.

13. februarja 1943 sta se na vadbenem letu nad Atlantskim oceanom nekje ob obali Rhode Islanda v zraku trčila dve mornariški letali. Tip letal ni bil naveden, vendar so bili med dvema letaloma štirje člani posadke, od katerih so bila tri izgubljena. Njihova imena niso navedena.

Edini preživeli je bil identificiran kot letalski mehanik Mate Joseph Leo Wallace, ki je bil zaradi udarca vržen na glavo in rešen s padalom. Wallacea je rešila motorna ladja “fast Navy Motor ”, ki je nato pri Newportu razvila težave z motorjem in odletela na nekaj skal. Wallacea in posadko čolna je rešila obalna straža. (Čolna ni bilo mogoče shraniti.)

Časopis Providence: 𔄜 Izgubljeno, 2 rešena v letalskih nesrečah ”, 14. februar 1943, str. 5 (Treba je opozoriti, da se naslov ne ujema s to posebno zgodbo, ker sta bili v istem članku prijavljeni dve nesreči. Druga nesreča se je zgodila v Maineu, kjer je bil en človek izgubljen, drugi pa shranjen.)

Revija Milwaukee, “Tossed In Space, Coll Planes, Chute ga rešuje ”, 14. februar 1943, str. 1


Požar v Dresdnu

13. februarja 1945 zvečer se je začela vrsta zavezniških napadov z ognjenim bombnim napadom proti nemškemu mestu Dresden, ki je zmanjšal 𠇏lorence na Labi ” na ruševine in plamene ter ubil približno 25.000 ljudi. Kljub grozljivemu obsegu uničenja je bilo strateško malo doseženo, saj so bili Nemci že na robu predaje.

Med sklepi, ki so jih februarja 1945 dosegli na jaltski konferenci zavezniških sil, je bila tudi resolucija, da bodo zavezniki sodelovali pri usklajenih strateških bombnih napadih na nemška mesta, znana po vojni in proizvodnji, da bi nacistični vojni stroj pripeljali do propada. ustaviti. Tragična ironija napada na Dresden, srednjeveško mesto, znano po svojih bogatih umetniških in arhitekturnih zakladih, je, da med vojno nikoli ni bilo mesto vojne proizvodnje ali velike industrije. Tako zavezniki kot Nemci so se prepirali o resničnem namenu bombnega bombardiranja navideznega “official ” razloga, da je bil Dresden glavno komunikacijsko središče, bombardiranje pa bi oviralo nemško sposobnost pošiljanja sporočil svoji vojski, ki se je borila s sovjetskimi silami ob uri. Toda obseg uničenja je bil za mnoge nesorazmeren z navedenim strateškim ciljem in mnogi verjamejo, da je bil napad preprosto poskus kaznovanja Nemcev in oslabitve njihove morale.

Več kot 3.400 ton eksploziva je na mesto odvrglo 800 ameriških in britanskih letal. Požarna vihar, ki je nastal po dveh dneh bombardiranja, je mesto še več dni gorel, ulice pa zasipale z ogljenimi truplami, med njimi tudi veliko otrok. Osem kvadratnih milj mesta je bilo uničenih, skupno število trupel pa je bilo med ꀢ.700 in 25.000 mrtvih, glede na poročilo, ki ga je mesto Dresden objavilo leta 2010. Bolnišnice, ki so ostale na mestu, niso mogle prenesti števila poškodovanih. in sežgali in postali so potrebni množični pokopi.


Bombardiranje Dresdna: februar 1945

Pred drugo svetovno vojno je bil Dresden imenovan “ Firence na Labi ” in je zaradi svoje arhitekture in muzejev veljal za eno najlepših mest na svetu. Čeprav nobeno nemško mesto ni ostalo izolirano od Hitlerjevega vojnega stroja, je bil Dresden v vojnih prizadevanjih minimalen v primerjavi z drugimi nemškimi mesti. Februarja 1945 so se tja zatekli begunci, ki so bežali pred ruskim napredovanjem na vzhodu. Ker je Hitler vrgel velik del svojih preživelih sil v obrambo Berlina na severu, je bila obramba mesta minimalna in Rusi bi imeli malo težav pri zavzetju Dresdna. Zdelo se je kot malo verjetna tarča za večji zavezniški zračni napad.

V noči na 13. februar se je na Dresden v dveh valovih spustilo na stotine bombnikov RAF, ki so svoj smrtonosni tovor neselektivno spustili nad mesto. Mestna protizračna obramba je bila tako šibka, da je bilo sestreljenih le šest bombnikov Lancaster. Do jutra je okoli 800 britanskih bombnikov padlo na Dresden več kot 1400 ton visoko eksplozivnih bomb in več kot 1100 ton zažigalnih snovi, kar je ustvarilo veliko požarno nevihto, ki je uničila večino mesta in ubila številne civiliste. Kasneje istega dne, ko so preživeli odšli iz tlečega mesta, je več kot 300 ameriških bombnikov začelo bombardirati železnice, mostove in transportne objekte v Dresdnu, pri čemer je bilo ubitih še več tisoč ljudi. 15. februarja je nadaljnjih 200 ameriških bombnikov nadaljevalo napad na mestno infrastrukturo. Vse povedano, bombniki ameriških osmih letalskih sil so v Dresden spustili več kot 950 ton visoko eksplozivnih bomb in več kot 290 ton zažigalnih snovi. Pozneje bodo osme letalske sile v treh drugih napadih pred koncem vojne in#x2019 na Dresden spustile še 2800 ton bomb.


22. februar 1943 – Hannah Senesh

Hannah Senesh (Chana Szenes) je bila leta 1934 stara 13 let, ko je začela voditi dnevnik. Takrat so nacisti krepili svojo oblast nad Nemčijo, toda Hannah se je zdelo, da so zelo daleč. Na žalost bi se to dojemanje kmalu spremenilo. Z družino je živela v mestu Budimpešta na Madžarskem in dogodki so se odvijali tako, da bi se nacisti kmalu zdeli veliko bližje.

HANNAHOVO POTOVANJE V ŽENSKO POMOŽNO LETALSTVO

Pred prvo svetovno vojno je bila Madžarska del velikega Avstro-Ogrskega cesarstva. Odcepila se je od Avstrije in postala ločen narod le nekaj let pred rojstvom Hannah. Marca 1938 je nacistična Nemčija prevzela Avstrijo, znano kot "Anschluss". Zdaj so nacisti zasedli državo tik ob Madžarski. Hannah je že kot mlado dekle vedela, da je nacistična Nemčija agresivna in nevarna. V svoj dnevnik je zapisala, kako so se vsi v njeni skupnosti bali možnosti prihajajoče vojne.

Hannahina pozornost ni bila osredotočena le na dogodke v srednji Evropi. Svoj pogled je usmerila tudi v Palestino. Prepričala se je, da je cionizem edina realna rešitev težav, s katerimi se srečujejo Judje Evrope. Odločila se je, da bo čim prej emigrirala. Ko je končala šolo, je zapustila Madžarsko, da bi začela novo življenje. V Palestino je prispela manj kot mesec dni po začetku druge svetovne vojne.

Hannah je bila varno izven dosega nacistov, vendar ni mogla pozabiti usode judovskega ljudstva v Evropi. Še posebej jo je skrbela njena mama, ki je bila še na Madžarskem. Zaradi teh razlogov se je odločila za življenje. Tako goreče, kot si je želela živeti v Eretzu v Izraelu, se je nameravala vrniti na Madžarsko, da bi pomagala organizirati judovsko emigracijo, medtem ko je bilo to še mogoče. Prostovoljno je sodelovala v britanski vojski v ženskih pomožnih letalskih silah in začela usposabljanje padalcev. Pripravila se je pridružiti skupini, katere načrt je bil, da se s padalom spusti na ozemlje Nemčije, da se pridruži partizanskemu uporu. 22. februarja 1943 je zapisala: »Ponoči ne morem spati zaradi prizorov, ki si jih predstavljam: kako se bom obnašala v takšni ali drugačni situaciji ... kako bom obvestila mamo o svojem prihodu ... kako bom organizirala Judovska mladina. Vse je še nedoločeno. Bomo videli, kaj prinaša prihodnost ... "

Spoznajte Hannah in kako se je odvijala njena prihodnost.

Preberite več o filmu, ki je bil posnet o Hannah Senesh, poimenovani po eni od njenih slavnih pesmi 'Blagoslovljena je tekma'.


[Pismo Cornelie Yerkes, 13. februar 1943]

Pismo Cornelie Yerkes, ki obravnava vprašanja z zdravniškim pregledom in zdravstveno kartoteko.

Fizični opis

Informacije o ustvarjanju

Kontekst

To pismo je del zbirke z naslovom: Nacionalni muzej WASP WWII, ki ga je Nacionalni muzej WASP WWII posredoval portalu zgodovine Teksasa, digitalnemu skladišču, ki ga gostijo knjižnice UNT. Več informacij o tem pismu si lahko ogledate spodaj.

Ljudje in organizacije, povezane z ustvarjanjem tega pisma ali njegove vsebine.

Avtor

Poimenovane osebe

Ljudje, ki so na nek način pomembni za vsebino tega pisma. V spodnjih temah se lahko pojavijo dodatna imena.

Občinstvo

Oglejte si našo spletno stran Viri za izobraževalce! To smo identificirali pismo kot primarni vir v naših zbirkah. Raziskovalcem, učiteljem in študentom bo to pismo morda koristno pri njihovem delu.

Zagotavlja

Nacionalni muzej WASP druge svetovne vojne

Muzej WASP iz druge svetovne vojne, ki se nahaja na Avenger Fieldu v okrožju Nolan v Teksasu, se zavezuje k ohranjanju zapuščine ženskih pilotov letalskih sil (WASP) iz druge svetovne vojne. Kot učiteljski muzej vsebuje arhive, eksponate in ustno zgodovino, ki beleži pomembno obdobje v zgodovini, ko so si ženske upale prebiti ovire in prispevati k zmagi.

Kontaktiraj nas

Opisni podatki za pomoč pri prepoznavanju tega pisma. Sledite spodnjim povezavam in poiščite podobne postavke na portalu.

Naslovi

  • Glavni naslov: [Pismo Cornelie Yerkes, 13. februar 1943]
  • Naslov serije:Zbirka Kafka

Opis

Pismo Cornelije Yerkes, ki obravnava vprašanja z zdravniškim pregledom in zdravstveno kartoteko.

Fizični opis

Predmeti

Ključne besede

Knjižnice Kongresne knjižnice

Struktura brskanja po knjižnicah Univerze v Severnem Teksasu

Jezik

Vrsta predmeta

Identifikator

Edinstvene identifikacijske številke te črke na portalu ali v drugih sistemih.

  • Pristopni ali lokalni nadzor št: WASP_05-2016-014-342
  • Ključ arhivskega vira: ark:/67531/metapth1296932

Zbirke

To pismo je del naslednjih zbirk sorodnih materialov.

Nacionalni muzej WASP druge svetovne vojne

Ti arhivi oživljajo zgodovino pilotov služb ženskih letalskih sil, ki predstavljajo vlogo letalske šole pri usposabljanju pilotov za upravljanje vojaških letal in prikazujejo, kako so se WASP družbeno in strokovno odzvale na nove izzive, ki jih je prinesla vojna. Vključeni so finančni dokumenti, fotografije, beležke, dopisovanje, dnevniki pilotov in priročniki za letenje.

Knjižnični konzorcij Abilene

Ta raznolika zbirka, ki vsebuje tisoče časopisov, fotografij, zvočnih posnetkov, tehničnih risb in še veliko več, pripoveduje zgodbo o Teksasu z ohranjanjem in razstavljanjem dragocenih virov.

Zbirka druge svetovne vojne

Ti materiali se osredotočajo na drugo svetovno vojno in neposredno povojno obdobje poznih 1940 -ih. Poleg materialov, ki so nastali v časovnem obdobju, lahko materiali vključujejo sodobne študije in spominska dela o tej dobi.


Blagovna znamka H-SU (Abilene, Teksas), letn. 27, št. 17, Ed. 1, sobota, 13. februar 1943

Tedenski študentski časopis z univerze Hardin-Simmons v Abileneu v Teksasu, ki skupaj z oglaševanjem vključuje novice iz lokalnega, državnega in univerzitetnega okolja.

Fizični opis

štiri strani: iluzor. stran 23 x 15 palcev. Digitalizirano od 35 mm. mikrofilm.

Informacije o ustvarjanju

Ustvarjalec: neznan. 13. februar 1943.

Kontekst

To časopis je del zbirke z naslovom: Teksaški program za digitalne časopise, ki jo je Univerzivna knjižnica Hardin-Simmons posredovala portalu v zgodovino Teksasa, digitalnemu skladišču, ki ga gostijo knjižnice UNT. Ogledan je bil 69 -krat. Več informacij o tem vprašanju si lahko ogledate spodaj.

Ljudje in organizacije, povezane z ustvarjanjem tega časopisa ali njegovo vsebino.

Ustvarjalec

Založnik

Občinstvo

Oglejte si našo spletno stran Viri za izobraževalce! To smo identificirali časopis kot primarni vir v naših zbirkah. Raziskovalcem, učiteljem in študentom bo to vprašanje morda koristilo pri njihovem delu.

Zagotavlja

Univerzitetna knjižnica Hardin-Simmons

Knjižnici Richardsona in Smitha na tej zasebni baptistični univerzi v Abileni ponujata materiale, potrebne za podporo raziskavam študentov in profesorjev. Ponujajo knjige, zvezne dokumente, zemljevide, partiture, posnetke in periodične publikacije, ki so na odprtih policah in so vsem dostopne.


Kaj pa, če bi bil Hitler umorjen leta 1943? Alternativna zgodovina Kurska in konec druge svetovne vojne v Evropi

To je alternativna zgodovina, kako bi se Nemci lahko izognili katastrofi v Kursku. Preučuje, kaj bi se lahko zgodilo, če bi dejanski atentat na Hitlerja uspel marca 1943 in kako bi Manstein lahko izvedel strategijo "backhand", ki mu je bila naklonjena z uporabo mobilne obrambe. To je posledica Hitlerjeve smrti, ki temelji na Hitlerjevih dejanjih in nadzoru operativnih odločitev. Manstein nikoli ne bi dopustil svobode pri izvajanju operacij na ta način. Pri odpravljanju Hitlerja sem vključil tudi kadrovske spremembe in splošno strategijo nemškega vrhovnega poveljstva ter verjeten odziv Stalina na Hitlerjevo smrt, če bi se to zgodilo spomladi 1943. Poskušal sem biti zvest znanim zgodovinskim mnenjem in dejanjem udeležence in verjetne reakcije na takšno situacijo, čeprav ne moremo natančno predvideti, kaj bi ljudje storili. Tako sem članek dokumentiral z opombami, kot da je resnična zgodovina. Zanimivo bi bilo, če bi to lahko podaljšali in vključili odseke o taktičnih dejanjih, ki temeljijo na spominih nemških in ruskih vojakov. Napisal sem ga po naročilu enega izmed profesorjev magistrskega študija in ga prvič objavil avgusta 2009 na tem spletnem mestu pod naslovom Operacija "Dachs" Moj prvi napad v žanr "Alternativna zgodovina". Verjamem, da je zgodovina zgodovina in to kljub temu, kar pomeni izraz "alternativna zgodovina", je fikcija. Čeprav temelji na mojem prepričanju, kako bi se nemški voditelji lahko odzvali spomladi 1943, in navaja dejanske dogodke, ki sem jih spremenil zaradi zgodbe, to ni zgodovina. Vendar se je treba vprašati, kaj bi se zgodilo, če bi uspelo načrtovati umor Hitlerja z razstrelitvijo letala ob vrnitvi v Nemčijo s konference s poveljniki skupine armad Center.

Ozadje: Strateško stanje Pomlad 1943

Aprila 1943 se je nemško vrhovno poveljstvo soočilo z odločitvijo, na kateri bo odvisna usoda nacistične Nemčije, vendar prvič v vojni ni bilo pod palcem Adolfa Hitlerja. Po Mansteinovem protinapadu po katastrofi v Stalingradu je prišlo do velikega pritiska, da se je uspeh nadaljeval z nadaljnjo ofenzivo. To je predlagal sam Manstein, vendar feldmaršal Von Kluge ni hotel pristati na takojšnjo ofenzivo, ker je menil, da njegove čete potrebujejo počitek in obnovo.

Hitlerjev#8217s Fw-200 “Condor ” pred usodnim letom

13. marca je Hitler odletel na srečanje z Von Klugejem v štabu skupine armad Center v Smolensku. Na povratnem letu je Hitlerjev FW-200 podrl eksplozivni udarec, ki je pristal v bližini Minska, ki ga je bombo podrl polkovnik Henning Von Trescow iz osebja Kluge.[jaz] Medtem ko je Hitler preživel, je ostal v kritičnem stanju, komaj živ v bolnišnici SS do svoje smrti 20. aprila 1943, svojega 54. rojstnega dne. O nesreči so poročali spremljevalci ME-109 JG-53, alarmno podjetje iz varnostnega oddelka v Minsku pa je rešilo Hitlerja, vendar so jih velike sile sovjetskih partizanov odgnale s kraja nesreče in vse dokaze vzrok, ki so ga spremljevalci pripisali mehanskim težavam.

Drugih preživelih ni bilo. Von Kluge, ki je pričakoval vpletenost v Fuhrerjevo smrt, je po obisku vojakov na fronti storil samomor, v skupini armade Center pa ga je nasledil poveljnik 9. armade. Drugi zarotniki so zamrznili v nedelovanju, ko je Hitler preživel nesrečo in niso poskušali prevzeti vlade, saj so se zavedali, da "naši načrti za prevzem oblasti v Berlinu in drugih velikih mestih še vedno niso ustrezni tej nalogi".[ii] V odsotnosti Hitlerja Reichsmarschalla Goeringa, Hitlerjevega naslednika, je ukrepal za zagotovitev svoje moči in z uporabo stikov v GESTAPO obtožil Himmlerja za izdajo, ker je navezal stike z nevtralnimi posredniki na Švedskem[iii] in ga nadomestil z generalom SS Kurtom Wolfejem ter ponovno imenoval Rudolfa Dielsa, nekdanjega vodjo GESTAPO, ko je bil še pod njegovim nadzorom[iv], da se spet obrnem. Himmler je poskušal pobegniti in bil ujet blizu Luneburga, ko je storil samomor s kapsulo s cianidom, preden so ga lahko zaslišali. Drugi potencialni tekmeci so bili odpravljeni. Martin Bormann, ki je Goering sovražil, je bil aretiran zaradi obtožb, da je prekoračil svoja pooblastila, poneveril in škodoval vojnim prizadevanjem in bil usmrčen.[v] Joseph Goebbels je prisegel na zvestobo Goeringu še pred Hitlerjevo smrtjo. Z Albertom Speerjem sta bila naročena, da uredita državni pogreb pokojnega Fuhrerja. Berlinski radio je napovedal Fuhrerjevo smrt 21. aprila, Hitlerjevo telo je bilo pripravljeno in položeno v kanclerju. Obdobje žalovanja je bilo razglašeno 21. aprila do 1. maja, ko je bil državni pogreb. Goering je 2. maja napovedal, da je feldmaršal Von Rundstedt novi načelnik OKW in da bo usklajeval strategijo na vseh frontah. Naslednji dan je Goering sklical sestanek voditeljev OKH, OKW, generalnega inšpektorja tankovskih čet in poveljnikov skupin armade vzhodne fronte, zahodne Evrope in Afrike ter reichsfuhrerja Karla Wolffa, admirala Donitza in feldmaršala Von Richthofen[vi] ki zastopa Luftwaffe, da se odloči o poteku za poletje. To je bilo prvič, da so bili vsi poklicani skupaj, da bi razpravljali o splošnem položaju od začetka Barbarosse leta 1941, in prvi pravi poskus oblikovanja velike strategije med vojno.

Možnosti in odločitev: Zossenska konferenca 3. maja 1943 [vii]

Goering na srečanju z diplomati po Hitlerjevem državnem pogrebu

Herman Goering je dvignil pogled z zemljevidov, razprtih na konferenčni mizi. Videti je bil presenetljivo primeren, nekako med strmoglavljenjem Hitlerjevega letala in njegovo smrtjo se je pobral in rešil slabost, ki jo je povzročila droga. Kot da bi imel spet namen. Feldmaršal Von Rundstedt je zdaj načelnik OKW, potem ko je Goering razrešil feldmaršala Keitela, general Jodl pa je pravkar končal z obveščanjem o razmerah v zahodni in južni Evropi, po poročanju generalpolkovnika Zeitzlerja iz OKH, generalnega inšpektorja oklepnih čet, generala Guderiana in Feldmaršal Von Manstein iz skupine armadov Jug. Albert Speer je na kratko seznanil s številkami proizvodnje tankov in letal, medtem ko je načelnik vojaškega urada za osebje opozoril na potrebo po 800.000 zamenjavah, "a tudi najbolj neusmiljeni vpoklic je uspel proizvesti le 400.000." [Viii] Ko je pogledal iz mize, je govoril: " Gospodje, stanje je kritično in moram priznati, da sem tako razmišljal že nekaj mesecev, a nisem mogel spregovoriti. Naše politične razmere so nevarne, Italijani so pripravljeni opustiti našo stvar. Naše sile v Severni Afriki kmalu ne bodo zdržale, saj so nas italijanski prijatelji spet razočarali. [Ix] Pričakujem, da bomo imeli Jodl in Kesselring glede namenov zaveznikov v kratkem polne roke dela na zahodu. Kesselring in Arnim, evakuirati morate čim več nemških vojakov iz Afrike, [x] uporabiti vse letalske in pomorske sile, kar lahko, vem, da bo težko, zlasti ob velikih izgubah, ki smo jih utrpeli pri transportnih letalih in patetična italijanska mornarica. " Goering se je ustavil, njegov pogled je prešel po sobi. "Na zahodu moramo domnevati, da bodo zavezniki napadli in da je" zelo resna nevarnost, da se sovražnik obrne proti Bretanji in Normandiji ", bo feldmaršal Rommel prevzel poveljstvo OB West za izgradnjo atlantskega zidu v teh sektorjih." [xi] "Zeitzler, Manstein, moramo vzpostaviti vzhodno fronto."

"Fuhrer Herich Reichsmarschall je odobril načrt, imenovan ZITADELLE, za napad na Ruse tukaj na kurski strani." je odgovoril Zeitzler. [xii] "Morali bi biti pripravljeni začeti ofenzivo ta mesec." Goering je dvignil roko in ustavil Zeitzlerja. "Vem, vendar sem razmislil o tem načrtu in ga ne morem podpreti. Richthofen me je o tem seznanil pred Fuhrerjevo smrtjo in generalom, moramo imeti še en načrt in napad na Kursk je tako očiten, da se bodo Rusi pripravljeni spopasti. Upošteval sem, kar sta general Guderian in minister Speer povedala o proizvodnji tankov in stanju tankovske roke. Ne morem odobriti Zitadelle, vendar moramo najti način, da Rusom privoščimo poraz, ne da bi zapravljali naše moči, da bi napadli tako očitno tarčo. Tudi model je dvomljiv glede možnosti, za katere meni, da Rusi poznajo naše namene in je zahteval odlog za okrepitev svojih sil. "[Xiii]" Reichsmarshall. " zvonil v Jodlu. "Prav imate, prezgodnja zavezanost centralnih rezerv v takšni ofenzivi ne bo pomagala našemu cilju, pravzaprav je od Zitadelle mogoče pričakovati le lokalni uspeh." [Xiv]

Generalpolkovnik Heinz Guderian

"Toda Reichsmarshall, moramo ponovno prevzeti pobudo na vzhodu, sprejeti moramo ofenzivo!" je odvrnil Zeitzler. "Naše nove enote Panterjev in Tigrov nam bodo prinesle odločilno tehnično prednost." [Xv] Zdaj se je pridružil Guderian. "Toda panterji imajo še vedno veliko tehničnih težav, bolje bi bilo počakati, da jih uredimo, preden jih naredimo. do velike ofenzive, poleg tega pa, koliko ljudi mislite, da sploh vejo, kje je Kursk? "[xvi]

"Zeitzler, cenim tvojo gorečnost." Prekinjen Goering je dejal: »Toda Jodl in Guderian imata prav, tudi uspešen napad na Kursk ne bo spremenil strateškega položaja. Delati moramo, da preprečimo poraz. Manstein ima načrt, ki bi lahko pomagal, obstaja nekaj tveganja, vendar ne vidim druge poti. Za ofenzivo pri Kursku bi bili potrebni tanki in letala, ki jih je treba uporabiti za boj proti zavezniškemu bombardiranju rajha in za zaščito umika naših enot iz Afrike, to bi nas prisililo, da vse storimo z malo dobička. " Goering se je ustavil in rekel Mansteinu: "Pojdi, Manstein."

"Reichsmarshall, gospodje. Naše stanje na vzhodu ni brezupno, marca sem imel občutek, da bo takojšnja ofenziva uspela odstraniti kursko izboklino, vendar mislim, da je zdaj minil trenutek priložnosti za tak napad. Namesto tega bi morali voditi obrambni manevrski boj, kot zahtevaTruppenführung ki smo jih razvili iz časov Reichswehra. Morali bi okrepiti svoje sile, da se potrudimo, kjer lahko, in ko bomo imeli priložnost, udariti sovražnika iz backhanda, kot smo to storili pri Harkovu. «[Xvii]

Priskočil je Zeitzler. "Kako pa to lahko storimo? Če ne udarimo zdaj, medtem ko imamo priložnost, se bodo Rusi okrepili in kako lahko vemo, kje bodo udarili? "[Xviii]

"General Zeitzler, Rusi že ustvarjajo težke oklepne sile na območju Kurska in preusmerjajo sile iz drugih sektorjev fronte na to območje. Jug jim ponuja najboljšo priložnost, da dokončajo začeto pozimi. Prišli bodo in to bo na jugu, želeli bodo Harkov in spet bodo poskušali zajeti naše sile na jugu. Če jim bo uspelo, bodo sledili in se hitro preselili na Balkan, Romunija in Madžarska se bosta obrnila proti nam in to bo katastrofa, tega si ne moremo privoščiti. " Manstein je pogledal navzgor, Jodl je prikimal in Model je rekel: "Ko bo to storjeno, se bodo odpravili v Kijev in na Poljsko." Goering se je vmešal: "Hvala model, imate prav, feldmaršal Manstein, prosim, nadaljujte s svojim načrtom."

Feldmaršal Erich Von Manstein na fronti

Premikanje na zemljevid Manstein se je nadaljevalo. »Večino naših pancer sil bomo skoncentrirali tukaj, zahodno od Harkova, drugo skupino pa zahodno od Orela. Tu, ob Dnjepru, bomo zgradili tudi rezervne položaje za naše pehotne sile. Če bi se pojavila potreba, bi morali biti pripravljeni na umik s Krima, ne moremo si privoščiti drugega obkroža. Ko bodo Rusi napadli, bomo popustili, tudi Harkov, če bo potrebno. Naše pehotne divizije se bodo borile proti odlašanju, ki ga podpira Jagdpanzer in Sturmgeschutzen, Luftwaffe nam bo moral zagotoviti dobro zračno podporo Stukas in ko bodo Rusi prehiteli skladišča zalog in njihova ofenziva izgubila zagon, bomo napadli, kot jazbec, ki se brani. Naši panzerji bodo odrezali vrhove kopja zahodno od Harkova, medtem ko jih na severu osušimo, nato pa jih zvijemo, stabiliziramo linijo in se pripravimo na zimo. " Manstein je zvenelo prepričano, da so tisti v sobi začeli čutiti, da bi njegov načrt lahko deloval. Rundstedt je spregovoril: "To nam bo dalo priložnost za preusmeritev sil na druge fronte in morda, ker je Hitler mrtev, obstaja možnost za Reichsmarschall za pogajanja o poravnavi, [xix] v nasprotnem primeru bodo zavezniki, gospodje, uničili naša mesta iz zraka in zdrobili naše vojske, dokler ne bomo imeli drugega, kot da se predamo. "

"Prav" je dodal Goering in vzpostavil očesni stik z vsakim moškim v sobi. "V obrambi moramo imeti uspeh, kupiti moramo čas in si prizadevati, da se ta vojna konča, preden bo Nemčija uničena. "Imeli bomo razlog za veselje, če bo Nemčija po vojni lahko obdržala meje leta 1933." OKH. [Xxi] Manstein, vi boste poveljevali vzhodu, general Hoth bo prevzel vašo skupino vojakov. Sodelovali boste z Guderianom in Modelom pri oblikovanju tega načrta. Čim prej moramo začeti delovati enote Panther, Tiger in Ferdinand. Verjamem, da bodo Rusi napadli do junija. Richthofen, rabiš pogledat v Luftwaffe. Nismo imeli dobro leto in uspeti moramo obraniti Reich pred zavezniškimi bombniki in podpreti kopenske sile. Seveda je treba zgraditi flak. Terenske divizije Luftwaffe, z izjemo Panzerjeve divizije Fallschirmjaeger in Herman Goering, je treba prenesti pod nadzor vojske. Pogledal je Speerja: »Her Speer, Fuhrer vam je zaupal naš program vojne proizvodnje, povečati morate proizvodnjo tankov in letal. Pospešite proizvodnjo ME-262 in prekličite vse programe, ki odstranijo pancerje, lovce in letala za podporo na tleh, ki jih trenutno potrebujemo. " Roke je položil na boke in globoko vdihnil. Pogledal je Wolfeja, Himmlerjevega naslednika. Wolff, Reich potrebuje Waffen SS, čete Panzerja so izjemne, vendar želim, da vse formacije Waffen SS, vključno s Panzerji, ki so bile pod nadzorom vojske, ne moremo deliti svojih sredstev. Z osebjem iz terenskih divizij Luftwaffe bi morali vojski zagotoviti odlične čete za obnovo izkušenih formacij. " Goering se je ozrl po sobi "Ali obstajajo vprašanja gospodje?" Roko je položil čez Mansteinovega vojaka in rekel: »Mislim, da je Badger primerno ime za tvoj načrt. Naši mali jahti jih bodo raztrgali. " Kasneje se je Goering srečal z uradniki zunanjega ministrstva, ki so poudarili potrebo po okrepitvi nemških zaveznikov in iskanju miru z zahodom. "Priznal je, da ga skrbi prihodnost. "Ni mi povsem jasno, kako bomo končali to vojno." To je bil neverjeten nastop. Po Hitlerjevi nesreči je bil na skrivaj podvržen "sistematičnemu umiku, ki je končal njegovo odvisnost od drog." [Xxiii] Sprememba je bila opazna.

Sedež STAVKE v Moskvi: 7. maja 1943

Josef Stalin je bil navdušen. Njegovi zastopniki so poročali, da je Hitler mrtev že pred objavo iz Berlina. Partizani so potrdili, da so Hitlerjevo letalo našli in odvzeli nekaj Hitlerjevih osebnih stvari, vključno z njegovo kapo, ki so jo dali Stalinu. Obveščevalna služba je poročala, da je Goering prevzel oblast, Stalin pa je bil prepričan, da je njegov položaj šibek in mnogi so menili, da Goering ni kos tej nalogi in da bi lahko nova ofenziva zrušila nacistični režim. Zdaj je bil čas, da se nacistični teror konča in Stalin je svoje ključne voditelje zbral skupaj. Medtem ko je Stalin želel takojšnjo ofenzivo, so njegovi generali počakali, če bi Nemci napadli Kursk. "Žukov, Vasilevski in različni častniki generalštaba so pozvali k previdnosti in priporočili, naj Rdeča armada ostane v obrambi, dokler Nemci ne porabijo svoje ofenzivne moči." v začetku poletja za preprečitev nemških dejanj in ponovni zagon, izgubljen marca 1943. «[xxv] Na koncu je bil dosežen kompromis in kljub začasni obrambni postavitvi je bilo" rusko strateško načrtovanje poleti 1943 po svoji naravi žaljivo. "[ xxvi] Nova ofenziva bi se začela 15. junija, če Nemci prej ne bi napadli. Imenovali bi ga Operacija Kutuzov [xxvii] in bi bili namenjeni orlovskemu izstopu in Harkovu. Severni rob pod Rokossovskyjevo osrednjo fronto bi uničil Nemce okoli Orela in se odpeljal proti zahodu, medtem ko bi Vatutinov Voronež in Konjeva stepska fronta zavzeli Harkov in se odpeljali proti Dnjepru. [Xxviii] Jugozahodna fronta in južna fronta bi napadle in uničile nemške sile vzdolž Mius, cilj: "propad nemške obrambe in napredovanje do črte reke Dnjepar od Smolenska na severu proti jugu do Črnega morja." [Xxix]

Sturmgeschutzen in SdKfw 251 APC se premikata v položaj

Manstein se je sestal z Model, Hoth in Guderian za razvoj DACHS. Morali so se igrati nekaj časa in prevarati Ruse glede njihovega pravega namena, da so lahko okrepili svoje sile. Operacije prevare so bile nameščene na obeh straneh izbokline Kursk, da so ustvarile vtis priprav na napad. Prva tankovska armada in odred odreda Kempf naj bi sprožil preusmeritev, imenovano Operacije HABICHT in PANTHER jugovzhodno od Kurska, "namenjene odrivanju Sovjetov nazaj iz industrijskega območja reke Donets." [Xxx] Obrambni načrt je zahteval, da pehota podpira uničevalci tankov, jurišne puške težkih Ferdinandov in mobilne enote Pioneer za umik, da se odloži in moti ruski napad. Mostovi so bili pripravljeni za rušenje, obrambni položaji so bili zgrajeni na dušilnih mestih, ki bi jih branili in jih potem opustili, ko jih ni več mogoče braniti, minska polja pa so upočasnila napredovanje Rusije. To je bilo ključnega pomena za deveto armado, ki ji zdaj poveljuje general Henrici na orlovskem robu severno od Kurska. Henrici, obrambni mojster, je zgradil vrsto obrambnih pasov, ki so njegovi vojski omogočili, da se je umaknila iz izbokline, ne da bi bila odrezana, in povzročila velike žrtve Rusom s spretno namestitvijo protitankovskega orožja, zlasti samohodnih pušk. [Xxxi] south 4 th Panzer Army, now commanded by SS General Paul Hausser[xxxii] and Army detachment Kempf made preparations to allow the Russians to advance past Kharkov using the same defend and delay tactics and then counterattack. As the armies prepared, Speer and Guderian’s efforts to rebuild the Panzer force were bearing fruit. By 15 May the first brigade of Panther tanks was activated and began training west of Kharkov.[xxxiii] Two battalions of Ferdinands, one for 9 th Army and one for 4 th Panzer Army were activated.[xxxiv] Sturmgeschutzbattalions were assigned to each infantry corps. Panzer divisions built up so that all had an average of 130 tanks, with the SS Divisions and Gross Deutschland receiving more. Tiger battalions were assigned to each Panzer Corps.

The Summer Campaign

On 1 June Operations PANTHER and HABICHT hit the unfortunate Soviet 6 th Army, which had been victimized by Manstein’s counter-stroke in March. III Panzer Corps of Army Detachment Kempf supported by Corps Raus (IX Corps) linked up with 1 st Panzer Army at Kupiansk on 3 June. The Russian counterattacked with 8 th Guards Army and the 2 nd and 23 rd Tank Corps. The battle of Kupiansk resulted in the destruction of 6 th Army and the 23 rd Tank Corps which was surprised by the 503 rd Panzer Detachment’s Tigers. 2 nd Tank Corps received a similar mauling at the hands of the 6 th Panzer Division. On 9 June the Germans returned to their start positions.

Soviet Tanks and AT Guns at Kupiansk

The attack at Kupiansk surprised STAVKA which had been deceived by the build up of Panzers around the Kursk salient. Stalin continued to hound his generals to begin Kutuzov on time, but the generals were “chastened” by the defeat at Kupiansk and “earlier experiences”[xxxv] and wanted to delay. Stalin forced them to begin Kutuzov on 22 June, the 2 nd Anniversary of Barbarossa. Manstein and his Eastern Front commanders held their breath. Teams of Brandenburger commandos operating in the Soviet rear and Luftwaffe reconnaissance aircraft reported Russian units moving to advanced positions to the north and south of Kursk. Vatutin commanding the Voronezh Front was ambushed and killed by a Brandenburger detachment supporting Ukrainian irregulars[xxxvi] as he returned from visiting 69 th Army near Prokhorovka station on 19 June and was replaced by Lieutenant General Katukov of 1 st Tank Army. Katukov “was one of the Red Army’s most accomplished and experienced armor officers.”[xxxvii]

In the north Rokossovsky’s Central Front and Popov’s Bryansk Front supported by 11 th Guards Army[xxxviii] began concentric attacks on the German 9 th and 2 nd Panzer Armies and ran into Henrici’s labyrinth on 22 June. They hit the first line they found it empty, the Germans having repaired to secondary positions,[xxxix] German 88’s and self propelled guns took a heavy toll on the tanks of 2 nd Tank Army. The 3 rd Tank Army under General Rybalko’s army committed after the initial assault “attempted a fresh penetration instead of exploiting the earlier efforts of the 3 rd and 63 rd Armies… Rybalko’s force included 698 serviceable tanks…but lacked the artillery and engineers for such a deliberate assault.”[xl] Popov telephoned Stalin at noon on 25 June “to report that Rybalko was practically stalled and suffering heavy losses in tanks.”[xli]The Germans committed the 5 th and 8 th Panzer divisions[xlii] against 3 rd Tank Army. The fresh Panzers inflicted painful losses on Rybalko. On 27 June Stalin called to complain about the handling of the army, demanding a direct assault.[xliii] The battle turned into a “grinding battle of armored attrition.”[xliv] After “a few bloody days bereft of any success, Rybalko’s tank formations had to be pulled out of the line into reserve.”[xlv] The “battle for the Orel salient ended three weeks later with a German defensive victory, as Army Group Center extricated its two armies from the box prepared for them while inflicting heavy casualties on three Soviet Fronts.”[xlvi] The Soviets lost over 629,000 men and 3,500 tanks.[xlvii] In comparison German losses were light and by falling back they shortened their line freeing units for other operations. Stalin had Orel but failed to destroy the Germans and lost heavily in the attempt.

Panzer IV’s engaging Soviet forces

In the south Konev’s Steppe and Katukov’s Voronezh Fronts prepared their assault on Kharkov. They attempted to deceive the Germans by simulating the massing of a “notional tank and combined-arms army” in the western side of the Kursk bulge.[xlviii] The deception was unsuccessful as reconnaissance by Luftwaffe aircraft and Brandenburgers failed to uncover any troop concentrations and Russian deserters, talked of a strike at Kharkov. The offensive “Rumiantsev” was opened by the 5 th and 6 th Guards armies supported by 53 rd and 69 th Armies on 21 June a day later 7 th Guards Army jumped off, two additional armies supported the west flank of the offensive.[xlix] The Russians in the two fronts began the operation with 980,000 men and 2,500 tanks.[l] Opposing them were 4 th Panzer Army and Army Detachment Kempf’s 350,000 men and 1,750 tanks and assault guns including 100 Tigers and 192 Panthers.[li]

T-34 towing disabled T-34 near Orel

STAVKA “chose to strike the strongest portion of Hoth’s defense head-on, to engage and defeat the German force and avoid the problems of flank threats.”[lii] Unfortunately they complicated the attack by focusing it at “precisely the boundary between the Voronezh and Steppe Fronts, causing increased coordination problems from the start of the operation.”[liii] The Germans used Ferdinands, Jagdpanzers in Sturmgeschutz in a mobile defensive role, as infantry fought delaying actions as they withdrew to successive defensive lines, inflicting brutal losses on the Russians. Aided by massive artillery preparation the Russians broke through the weakened Army Detachment Kempf near Belgorad[liv] taking the city on 24 June. Corps Raus’ 167 th Infantry Division was taken on its exposed left flank forcing Raus to “fight a delaying action…until the withdraw reached Kharkov.” [lv] The Germans reacted to the threat by committing the “veteran 5 th SS Panzer Grenadier Division Wiking” to reinforce Army Detachment Kempf.[lvi] Despite the success “the German defenses proved so tenacious that the leading brigades of the two tank armies had to enter the fray.”[lvii]

Destroyed column of T-34s

As the Russians advanced the German fell back. Hoth directed Hausser to wait before counterattacking with XLVIII Panzer Corps and II SS Panzer Corps. Katukov pushed the 1 st and 5 th Tank Armies into the hole in the German lines and moved toward Kharkov which was liberated by the 89 th and 183 rd Guards Divisions[lviii] on 2 July. The liberation of Kharkov and Belgorad while exhilarating had cost Katukov over 250,000 casualties. Skillful employment of mobile defense and local counterattacks by mixed Panzer battlegroups, such as one by Grossdeutschland on the flank of 5 th Tank Army caused panic and some units withdrew “leaving behind masses of equipment of every description.”[lix]The tank armies had lost upwards of 50 percent of their tanks, infantry divisions were now down to half strength, some down to 3000 men.[lx] Yet the Soviets attempted to drive south to trap the Germans. They were hit by XLVIII Panzer Corps and II SS Panzer Corps, both of which had seen little action thanks to Hoth’s conservation of strength. XLVIII Panzer Corps hit the 1 st Tank Army at the “key road junction of Bogodukhov, 30 kilometers northwest” of Kharkov “severely mauling the leading three brigades”[lxi] forcing 1 st Tank Army to withdraw towards Kursk. 5 th Tank army moved to support but was taken in the flank by II SS Panzer Corps. The SS Corps encircled the remainder of 5 th Tank Army. Hunted by the SS on the open steppe the survivors slipped through gaps in the encirclement but both armies were ravaged. By 15 June 1 st Tank Army was down to 120 tanks and 5 th Tank Army had “50 of its original 503 tanks and self-propelled guns serviceable.”[lxii] XLVII Panzer Corps took Kharkov on 18 July.

SS Panzer Grenadiers and Panzertrüppen Tigers of 3rd SS Panzer Division prepping for battle

The victory paid dividends for the Germans. The Front held and the Russians had taken nearly a million casualties and lost almost 6000 tanks and self-propelled guns. Three Tank Armies had been smashed, 5 th Tank Army would not be fit for field duty for two months.[lxiii] 3rd Tank Army earned a Guards designation but was withdrawn from combat.[lxiv] 6 th Army, victimized by PANTHER was destroyed while the 5 th , 6 th and 7th Guards Armies were shattered. Additionally, the Germans decimated two independent tank corps. Stalin reacted by halting operations, cancelling follow on offensives and rebuilding the Red Army’s tank armies and mechanized forces. He realized that his Generals had been right in not wanting to undertake offensive operations until the Germans had been weakened, but the German insistence on not going on the offensive caused him to ignore their arguments. He decided to wait until winter to launch his next offensive, but that offensive would never be launched as by the time he was ready the war was over.

German Tank Commander as Panzers mop up

The elimination of the Russian threat enabled Italy to be reinforced as well as the reinforcement of the Atlantic Wall. The Salerno landings were a disaster, the Allies driven into the sea by Panzer Divisions released from the Eastern Front. The disasters at Salerno and the Russian debacle brought overwhelming domestic political pressure on Roosevelt and Churchill to end the war. Clandestine talks began in Switzerland between Avery Dulles and Karl Wolff[lxv] while Walter Schellenberg met with Count Bernadotte.[lxvi] Despite the previous demand for unconditional surrender the Allies decided to negotiate with the new German leadership might end the war in Europe. Goering surrendered power to General Beck and gave himself and other accused war criminals up to the Allies. Beck took power, withdrew to 1939 borders, dismantled the death camps and disbanded the Nazi Party, and its police apparatus.[lxvii] Peace came to Europe on 9 November 1943, 25 years after Kaiser Wilhelm’s abdicated his throne.

Goering Surrenders to the Allies

[i] Clark, Alan. Barbarossa: The Russian German Conflict, 1941-45. Harper Collins Publishers, New York, NY 1965. Pp.307-311. There was an attempt on Hitler’s life on his return from Kluge’s headquarters. Only the bomb did not go off, all components had worked but the detonator did not fire. Clark notes that “the Devil’s hand had protected Hitler.” (p.311)

[ii] Galante, Pierre. Operation Valkyrie: The German Generals’ Plot Against Hitler. Translated by Mark Howson and Cary Ryan. Harper and Row Publishers, New York, NY 1981. Originally published as Hitler est il Mort? Librairie Plon-Paris-Match, France. 1981. p.167

[iii] Padfield, Peter. Himmler. MJF Books, New York. 1990. p.474. Himmler had a number of contacts and intermediaries who he used to attempt contact with the Allies as early as 1943.

[iv] Höhne, Heinze. The Order of the Death’s Head: The Story of Hitler’s SS. Translated by Richard Barry. Penguin Books, New York and London, 2000. First English edition published by Martin Secker and Warburg Ltd. London 1969. Originally published as Der Orden unter dem Totenkopf, Verlag Der Spiegel, Hamburg 1966. Diels remained an ally of Goering even marrying his sister in 1943.

[v] Von Lang, Jochen. The Secretary: Martin Bormann: The Man Who Manipulated Hitler. Translated by Christa Armstrong and Peter White. Random House Inc. 1979. Originally published as Der Secretär. Deutsche-Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart. 1977 p.9. At his trial Goering remarked to other defendants. “If Hitler had died sooner, I as his successor would not have had to worry about Bormann. He would have been killed by his own staff even before I could have given the order to bump him off.”

[vi] Irving, David. Göring: A Biography. William Morrow and Company, New York, NY 1989. Richthofen had succeeded Jeschonnek in March when Goering relieved him. Goering believed that Jeschonnek “was too pliable at the Wolf’s Lair.” Goering had actually considered this a number of times but postponed it several times. p.388

[vii] Guderian, Heinz. Panzer Leader. (abridged) Translated from the German by Constantine Fitzgibbon, Ballantine Books, New York 1957. pp.244 Hitler conducted a similar conference involving many of the same people in Munich.

[viii] Carell, Paul. Scorched Earth: The Russian German War 1943-1944. Translated by Ewald Osers, Ballantine Books, New York, NY 1971, published in arrangement with Little-Brown and Company. str. 336

[xii] Glantz, David M and House, Jonathan. The Battle of Kursk. University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, KS. 1999. pp.21-25. Operations order 5 had been approved by Hitler on and issued by OKH on 13 March. It was followed by Operations Order 6 on 15 April.

[xiv] Warlimont, Walter. Inside Hitler’s Headquarters 1939-45. Translated by R.H. Berry, Presido Press, Novato CA, 1964. p.334 These objections of Jodl were from June, but indicate the feeling of Jodl for the Zitadelle as planned and when would have likely been his response in such a situation.

[xv]Glantz, David M. and House, Jonathan. When Titans Clashed: How the Red Army Stopped Hitler. University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, KS. 1995. p.157 Zeitzler had been a consistent advocate for Zitadelle since he heard Manstein’s initial proposal in March.

[xvi]Macksey, Kenneth. Guderian: Creator of the Blitzkrieg. Stein and Day Publishing, New York, NY 1975 p.206

[xviii] Ibid. Clark. p.323. Zeitzler made this argument with Jodl during a briefing in April 1943.

[xix] Shirer, William L. Vzpon in padec tretjega rajha. A Touchstone Book published by Simon and Schuster, 1981, Copyright 1959 and 1960. p.1115. Hitler had told Keitel and Jodl that “When it comes to negotiating [for peace]…Goering can do much better than I. Goering is much better at those things.”

[xx] Speer, Albert. Inside the Third Reich. Collier Books, a Division of MacMillan Publishers, Inc. New York, NY 1970. p.245. From a conversation with Speer in late 1942.

[xxi] Ibid. Glantz and House. Clash of Titans. pp. 216-217. Hitler would replace Zeitzler with Guderian in June 1944.

[xxii] Ibid. Irving. p.379 From a conversation with State Secretary Ernst von Weizäcker 11 February 1943.

[xxiii] Ibid. Speer. p.512. The ending of the addiction took place at Nurnberg and Goering surprised many of his co-defendants with his “remarkable energy.”

[xxiv] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.28

[xxv] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. str.28.

[xxvi] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.264

[xxvii] Overy, Richard. Russia’s War: A History of the Soviet War Effort: 1941-1945. Penguin Books, New York NY and London, 1997. pp.211

[xxviii] Erickson, John. The Road to Berlin. Cassel Military Paperbacks, London, 2003. First Published by Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1983. p.76

[xxix] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.265

[xxx] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.23.

[xxxi] Liddell-Hart, B.H. The German Generals Talk. Quill Publishing, New York, NY. 1979. Copyright 1948 by B.H. Liddell-Hart. p.215 Henrici describes the methods that he used in 1944 as Commander of 1 st Panzer Army and as Commander of Army Group Vistula during the defense of Berlin.

[xxxii] Hausser would actually command 7 th Army in Normandy in 1944.

[xxxiii] Ibid. Glantz and House Kursk. p.53 This was the 10 th Panzer Brigade assigned to XLVIII Panzer Corps. Additionally Clark notes production figures for Panthers from Speer that indicate that 324 Panthers would be available by 31 May. (Clark. p.325)

[xxxiv] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.52. At Kursk the two Ferdinand detachments were both assigned to 9 th Army.

[xxxv] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. str.28.

[xxxvi] Ibid. Carell. p.510. Vatutin was killed by Ukrainian irregulars in April 1944.

[xxxvii] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.62

[xxxviii] Newton, Steven H. Hitler’s Commander: Field Marshal Walter Model, Hitler’s Favorite General. DeCapo Press, Cambridge MA 2005. p. 256

[xl] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.236

[xli] Ibid. Erickson. p.113. At Kursk the call took place on 20 July when Rybalko was in this situation.

[xliv] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.236

[xlvii] Ibid. Glantz and House. p.345. The actual losses were 429,000 men and 2,500 tanks against a German force significantly weakened by Zitadelle. Had the Russians attacked the Germans rather than receiving the German attack first their losses in men and machines would have been far higher. I have reflected that in the alternative numbers.

[xlviii] Ibid. Glantz and House. Ko so se spopadli Titani. p.168 The Soviets did try this in their counter offensive following Zitadelle.

[xlix] Ibid. Glantz and House. When Titans Clashed. p.169

[l] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.344. Actual figures for beginning of offensive.

[li] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.338. Figures from beginning of Zitadelle.

[lii] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.244 The actual text reads “Manstein’s defense” not Hoth’s.

[liii] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.244

[liv] Von Mellenthin, F.W. Panzer Battles: A Study of the Employment of Armor in the Second World War. Translated by H. Betzler, Ballantine Books, New York, NY, 1971. Originally Published University of Oklahoma Press, 1956. p.286

[lv] Raus, Erhard. Panzer Operations: The Eastern Front Memoir of General Raus, 1941-1945. Compiled and Translated by Steven H Newton. Da Capo Press a member of the Perseus Book Group, Cambridge, MA 2003. p.214

[lvi] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.247

[lvii] Ibid. Glantz and House. When Titans Clashed. p.169

[lviii] Ibid. Erickson. p.121 These were the actual divisions that liberated Kharkov.

[lix] Ibid. Von Mellenthin . p.287

[lx] Ibid. Glantz and House. p.252

[lxi] Ibid. Glantz and House. When Titans Clashed. p.170

[lxii] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.252

[lxiii] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.252

[lxiv] Ibid. Glantz and House. Kursk. p.237

[lxvii] Ibid. Galante. pp 69 and 207

Bibliografija

Carell, Paul. Scorched Earth: The Russian German War 1943-1944. Translated by Ewald Osers, Ballantine Books, New York, NY 1971, published in arrangement with Little-Brown and Company

Clark, Alan. Barbarossa: The Russian German Conflict, 1941-45. Harper Collins Publishers, New York, NY 1965

Erickson, John. The Road to Berlin. Cassel Military Paperbacks, London, 2003. First Published by Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1983

Galante, Pierre. Operation Valkyrie: The German Generals’ Plot Against Hitler.Translated by Mark Howson and Cary Ryan. Harper and Row Publishers, New York, NY 1981. Originally published as Hitler est il Mort? Librairie Plon-Paris-Match, France. 1981.

Glantz, David M and House, Jonathan. The Battle of Kursk. University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, KS. 1999.

Glantz, David M. and House, Jonathan. When Titans Clashed: How the Red Army Stopped Hitler. University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, KS. 1995

Guderian, Heinz. Panzer Leader. (abridged) Translated from the German by Constantine Fitzgibbon, Ballantine Books, New York 1957

Höhne, Heinze. The Order of the Death’s Head: The Story of Hitler’s SS. Translated by Richard Barry. Penguin Books, New York and London, 2000. First English edition published by Martin Secker and Warburg Ltd. London 1969. Originally published as Der Orden unter dem Totenkopf, Verlag Der Spiegel, Hamburg 1966.

Irving, David. Göring: A Biography. William Morrow and Company, New York, NY 1989

Liddell-Hart, B.H. The German Generals Talk. Quill Publishing, New York, NY. 1979. Copyright 1948 by B.H. Liddell-Hart

Macksey, Kenneth. Guderian: Creator of the Blitzkrieg. Stein and Day Publishing, New York, NY

Newton, Steven H. Hitler’s Commander: Field Marshal Walter Model, Hitler’s Favorite General. DeCapo Press, Cambridge MA 2005

Overy, Richard. Russia’s War: A History of the Soviet War Effort: 1941-1945.Penguin Books, New York NY and London, 1997

Padfield, Peter. Himmler. MJF Books, New York. 1990

Raus, Erhard. Panzer Operations: The Eastern Front Memoir of General Raus, 1941-1945. Compiled and Translated by Steven H Newton. Da Capo Press a member of the Perseus Book Group, Cambridge, MA 2003

Shirer, William L. Vzpon in padec tretjega rajha. A Touchstone Book published by Simon and Schuster, 1981, Copyright 1959 and 1960.

Speer, Albert. Inside the Third Reich. Collier Books, a Division of MacMillan Publishers, Inc. New York, NY 1970.

Von Lang, Jochen. The Secretary: Martin Bormann: The Man Who Manipulated Hitler. Translated by Christa Armstrong and Peter White. Random House Inc. 1979. Originally published as Der Secretär. Deutsche-Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart. 1977


13 February 1943 - History

Geoff Walden

Schweinfurt, an industrial city of some 52,000 people located on the Main River in northern Bavaria, was a center for the manufacture of anti-friction bearings during World War II (and still is). As the U.S. 8th Air Force began to build up its strength in England in 1943, planners wished to concentrate on bombing those industrial targets that they felt would most hurt the German war effort, particularly the enemy aircraft industry. Low-friction ball and roller bearings were used in all parts of military and commercial machinery, and research indicated that roughly half of the German bearing industry was located in Schweinfurt, concentrated at four or five factory sites on the western side of town. The 8th Air Force planners felt that if they could strike hard enough at Schweinfurt, the results might cripple the German war industry.

This page is divided into seven parts, with two associated pages.
Part 1 - Introduction and bombing of the bearing factories (this page)
Part 2 - Bombing damage to the city, and memorials to the bombing victims
Part 3 - Flak (anti-aircraft) battery defenses of Schweinfurt
Part 4 - Air defense shelters throughout the city
Part 5 - End of the war in Schweinfurt (April 1945)
Part 6 - Schweinfurt under the Swastika (Nazi buildings, parades, and ceremonies)
Part 7 - German military in Schweinfurt (military barracks, Panzer Regiment 4, Panzer Regiment 36)
Luftwaffe ammunition storage facility at Rottershausen
References for the Schweinfurt pages

Above - two views of the Fichtel & Sachs work lines in 1928 (these lines would still have appeared similar in 1943). On the left, mainly women workers finish hubs. On the right, workmen at the grinding machines. Below, a view of the F&S Kantine, or workers' cafeteria in 1939. Note the portrait of Hitler on the wall. (from the ZF Sachs archives, courtesy Jean-Fran ois Soyez)

The U.S. 8th Air Force insisted on precision daylight bombing as being most effective (as opposed to the British Royal Air Force which bombed at night, targeting wide areas instead of pinpoint targets) however, that left the B-17 bombers at the mercy of the Luftwaffe for most of their journeys to and from the target, as the Allies did not yet have fighter planes with a range to escort the bombers much beyond the German border. Nonetheless, the planners felt that the "combat box" formations of the heavily-armed B-17 "Flying Fortresses" would provide sufficient interlocking firepower to defeat the German fighters.

Accordingly, Schweinfurt was attacked first on 17 August 1943. 230 B-17s left England, but the Luftwaffe had over 300 fighters available to oppose them, and only 184 B-17s bombed Schweinfurt, and 36 did not return to England. The firepower of the box formations had not been enough to defeat the Luftwaffe, and the bomber crews suffered 341 casualties. Coupled with a loss of 24 bombers and 200 men from a strike on Regensburg that same day, this was a heavy blow to the 8th Air Force. In addition, reconnaissance indicated the Schweinfurt bombing was not as accurate as had been hoped. The ball bearing factories had not been critically damaged.

After rebuilding its strength, the 8th Air Force again attacked Schweinfurt on 14 October 1943, a day that would go down in history as "Black Thursday." 291 B-17s left England, 229 bombed the target, and 60 bombers were lost. Crew casualties amounted to 639 men . a loss the 8th Air Force could not afford, and which put a halt, for the time being, to unescorted deep strikes. The bombing was more accurate this time, but hindsight shows that it was not a crippling blow to the bearing industry.

The 8th Air Force did not attack Schweinfurt again until February 1944, by which time the Allies had long-range escort fighters and the Luftwaffe was on the wane. In total, Schweinfurt was bombed 22 times by 2285 aircraft during World War II, including attacks by the U.S. 8th and 15th Air Forces, night bombing by the British Royal Air Force, and a final tactical attack by the 12th Air Force on 10 April 1945, the day before the U.S. Army took the city. A total of 7933 tons of bombs were dropped on Schweinfurt (592,598 individual bombs), some 65% of the total dropped by the Allies on all bearing industry plants. However, after the "Black Thursday" strike, the bearing industry was dispersed as much as practical, and it was no longer possible to cripple the industry by concentrating on Schweinfurt. Post-war investigation by the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey showed that while production fell by early 1944 to about half of the pre-attack totals, it rose again to about 85 percent by mid-1944. The German war machine never suffered from a significant loss in bearing supply throughout the war. But Schweinfurt was left largely in ruins . half of the houses and four-fifths of the industrial buildings destroyed, with 1079 civilian casualties.

Bombing Schweinfurt . above - two views of the initial attack on 17 August 1943. At the left - B-17s drop incendiary bombs. At the right - the city and bearing factories burn after the attack. Visible behind the B-17 at the upper right corner of the photo are numerous smoke trails from smoke generating devices on the ground near the Flugplatz military post, in an effort at camouflage. Below left - the factory areas and city burn after the "Black Thursday" attack of 14 October 1943. Below right - bombing attack of 24 February 1944, part of the renewed bomber offensive called "Big Week." In the most devastating attacks of the war, Schweinfurt was hit three times in two days - on 24 February by the U.S. 8th Air Force, and on twice on the night of 24-25 February by the British Royal Air Force. (USAF photos above right - U.S. National Archives, RG 342FH-3A22448 below left - U.S. National Archives RG 342FH-3A22445)
Bombers lost and damaged during the attacks . On the left above, a B-17 trails smoke from its damaged No. 3 engine. On the right, B-17 #230831, "Lazy Baby," of the 305th Bombardment Group, which was shot down on 14 October 1943. Below - two that made it home, but with heavy damage and crew casualties. On the left, B-17 #239789, "Skunk Face," of the 379th Bombardment Group suffered tail and stabilizer damage. The unidentified bomber on the right suffered heavy damage to the nose. (below - True Magazine, April 1957)
The men who bombed Schweinfurt . On the left, the crew of the B-17 "Yank," which bombed Schweinfurt on 14 October 1943. On the right, Col. Budd J. Peaslee, who led the attack on Schweinfurt on 14 October 1943, in command of the First Bomb Division (Mission 115 - "Black Thursday"). (left - Yank Magazine right - True Magazine, April 1957)

In 1998 survivors of the bomber crews who attacked Schweinfurt on "Black Thursday,"
14 October 1943, members of the Second Schweinfurt Memorial Association, and
člani Flakhelfer anti-aircraft battery crews jointly erected a monument
to the memory of the casualties on both sides during the bombing attacks on Schweinfurt.
The monument is located at the side of the Spitalsee Luftschutzbunker.

These two links have detailed listings of bombers and crew lost during the attacks on 17 August 1943 and 24 February 1944:

The two bombing attacks in 1943 scattered bombs widely over the town area, not just the factory areas. By the time the bomber streams reached the aiming point, they had been severely disrupted by Luftwaffe fighters and flak, and many bombers simply released their bombs in the general area of the town. In the view above left, taken on 17 August 1943, a string of bombs is falling along Niederwerrnerstra e from the Panzer Kaserne into the downtown area (nowhere near any bearing factories). The bombing of 14 October 1943 was more accurate, but still dropped bombs on the town area, south of the river, and downriver away from the targets: above right, the first wave falls on 14 October below left, a subsequent wave drops its bombs far to the west of the target area below right, incendiary bombs fall on the VKF-Werk I factory. (U.S. National Archives, RG 342FH)
The bombing attacks of 1944 were more accurate. Although some residential parts of the city were still hit, the concentration of bombs fell in the vicinity of the bearing factories. However, the RAF night attacks of 24-25 February 1944 caused widespread damage to the city. In the view at left of the USAF attack on 24 February 1944, small streams of smoke can be seen drifting across the Main River near the lower left corner of the photo - these were an ineffectual attempt at smoke screen camouflage (see also here). The view on the right shows the bombing concentration on 13 April 1944. (left - author's collection right - U.S. National Archives RG 342FH-3A22452)
The daylight bombing attack of 24 February 1944, observed from the Flak Battery at Grafenrheinfeld, across the Main River southwest of the city. On the left, bombs are striking the factory areas later, the city and factories burn after the attack. (author's collection)
The views above, taken looking from the other end of the street, show the successive damage from multiple bombings to buildings near the VKF-Werk I factory. All has been repaired in the modern view below (the pedestrian bridge over the street was torn down after the war, and there has recently been a shopping plaza built in this area). On the right below is a view of the smoking ruins of the VKF1 building after an attack. (Stadtarchiv Schweinfurt)

Zwangsarbeiter (foreign workers) clearing damaged milling machines in the VKF-Werk II factory after the
14 October 1943 bombing attack. (from SKF files, courtesy Jean-Fran ois Soyez)


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