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Zemljevid, ki prikazuje obrambo Mississippija

Zemljevid, ki prikazuje obrambo Mississippija


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Zemljevid, ki prikazuje obrambo Mississippija

Zemljevid, ki prikazuje obrambo Mississippija in položaj minometne flote na začetku napada.

Zemljevid vzet iz Bitke in voditelji državljanske vojne: II: proti severu proti Antietamu , str.36



Novi podnebni zemljevidi prikazujejo preoblikovane Združene države

avtorja Al Shaw, Abrahm Lustgarten, ProPublica in Jeremy W. Goldsmith, posebno za ProPublica, 15. september 2020.

ProPublica je neprofitna redakcija, ki preiskuje zlorabe pooblastil. Prijavite se, če želite prejemati naše največje zgodbe takoj, ko bodo objavljene.

Po novih podatkih skupine Rhodium, ki sta jih analizirali ProPublica in The New York Times Magazine, bodo segrevanje in spreminjajoče se količine padavin poganjale kmetijstvo in zmerno podnebje proti severu, medtem ko bo dvig morske gladine porabil obale, nevarna raven vlažnosti pa močvirno dolino reke Mississippi.

Glede na druge nedavne raziskave, ki kažejo, da se bo najbolj naseljeno podnebje v Severni Ameriki premaknilo proti severu in da se bo pojavnost velikih požarov po vsej državi povečala, to kaže, da bo podnebna kriza globoko prekinila način našega življenja in kmetovanja v ZDA. Oglejte si, kako se bodo severnoameriški kraji, kjer so ljudje živeli tisoče let, premaknili in kakšne spremembe čakajo na vašo občino.


Viri in predlagano branje

Baptist, Edward E. Polovica nikoli ni bila povedana: suženjstvo in ustvarjanje ameriškega kapitalizma. New York: Osnovne knjige, 2014.

Johnson, Walter. Reka temnih sanj: suženjstvo in cesarstvo v bombažnem kraljestvu. Cambridge, Mass .: Harvard University Press, 2014.

Moore, John Hebron. Pojav bombažnega kraljestva na starem jugozahodu: Mississippi, 1770-1860. Baton Rouge: Državna univerza Louisiana, 1988.

Rothman, Adam. Država sužnjev: Ameriška širitev in izvor globokega juga. Cambridge, Mass .: Harvard University Press, 2005.

Rothman, Joshua D. Flush Times in Fever Dreams: Zgodba o kapitalizmu in suženjstvu v dobi Jacksona. Atene: University of Georgia Press, 2012.


Biljard v mestu Biloxi

V letih 1830 in 1840 je prebivalstvo države raslo. Povečale so se tudi možnosti za zabavo. Mnogi Misisipijci v začetku 19. stoletja so odšli na obalo Mississippija v Mehiškem zalivu, da bi uživali v njegovih krajih in v blagem vremenu. Hoteli, ki ponujajo kegljanje, biljard, jadranje, lov in ples. Zgodnje turistične destinacije v Biloxiju so vključevale hotel Magnolia, hotel Nixon, Madame Pradat ’s in hotel Shady Grove. Vsi hoteli so ponujali možnosti zabave in iger na srečo.

Mississippians so potovali tudi v Natchez in Vicksburg ob reki Mississippi, kjer so bile igre na srečo razširjene, zlasti v reki The Landing, ob reki v Vicksburgu, in v okrožju Natchez-Under-the-Hill. V teh dveh rečnih mestih so se potniki s parnimi čolni srečali z igralnicami, kjer so se odvijali biljard, igre s kartami in drugi stavni dogodki. Konjske dirke in bojevanje petelinov so bili priljubljeni tudi pri stavah v antebellumu v Mississippiju, prav tako pa tudi pri igrah na rečnih čolnih.


Zemljevidi Združenih držav

Združene države (ZDA) pokrivajo skupno površino 9.833.520 kvadratnih kilometrov. Od tega območja 48 sosednjih držav in okrožje Columbia pokriva 8.080.470 kvadratnih kilometrov. Havajski arhipelag ima površino 28.311 kvadratnih kilometrov, preostalo območje pa je del ozemelj ZDA.

Največja razdalja vzhod-zahod v 48 sosednjih državah je 4.500 km. Sever-jug, najdaljša razdalja v regiji 48 sosednjih držav je 2660 km.

Ta fizični zemljevid ZDA prikazuje teren vseh 50 zveznih držav ZDA. Večja nadmorska višina je prikazana z rjavimi gorskimi verigami, kot so Skalnato gorovje, Sierra Nevada in Apalaško gorovje. Nižje nadmorske višine so označene po celotnem jugovzhodu države, pa tudi vzdolž vzhodnega morja. Glavne reke v državi vključujejo Mississippi, Missouri, Kolorado, Arkansas in Kolumbijo. Velika jezera vključujejo sistem Velikih jezer, ki ga sestavljajo jezero Superior, jezero Huron, jezero Michigan, jezero Erie in jezero Ontario. Denali (Mount Mckinley) na Aljaski je najvišja točka države, ki se dvigne na višino 20.322ft (6.194m). Najnižja točka države je v bazenu Badwater, Dolina smrti, Kalifornija, na -862 metrih.


Premikanje

Ljudje so zelo razpršeni po Mississippiju, prav tako mnogi njegovi dragoceni viri. Kako se to dvoje povezuje, je razloženo v temi gibanja, skozi katero geografija pomaga razložiti, kako in zakaj se gibljejo ljudje, blago in ideje. Glavne vodne poti, kot sta reka Mississippi in Mehiški zaliv, so zagotavljale prevoz zgodnjim naseljencem. Koliko bolj izolirano bi bilo območje v letih oblikovanja brez teh naravnih danosti.

Danes zapleteni komunikacijski in transportni sistemi povezujejo Misisipane med seboj in vse bolj s celotnim svetom. Gulfport, Mississippi, ostaja eno največjih pristanišč za sprejem banan na svetu. Kmetijski in proizvedeni proizvodi države se pošiljajo po vsem svetu, čeprav Misisipijci izkoriščajo blago, uvoženo v državo. Blues glasba in literatura Williama Faulknerja sta se razširila in oboževala po vsem svetu.

Geografija raziskuje ekonomske in psihološke razloge za veliko selitev na ozemlje Mississippija na prelomu v 19. stoletje ter za velike selitve iz države v začetku in sredi 20. stoletja ter načrtuje poti tistih, ki so odšli. V zvezi z velikim preseljevanjem je mogoče ugotoviti in raziskati vzorce, ki pojasnjujejo ta pojav? Kakšne posledice je imel odhod sredi 20. stoletja na Mississippi in na območja, kamor se je preselilo na tisoče ljudi? Drug primer je na stotine nemških vojnih ujetnikov, ki so jih med drugo svetovno vojno pripeljali v Mississippi. Zakaj in "kaj torej?" Nazadnje, katere avtoceste, železnice in letališča trenutno služijo kot poti gibanja po državi in ​​državi? Kartiranje in analiziranje gibanja blaga, idej in ljudi je bistvenega pomena za razumevanje, kako so Misisipijci povezani med seboj in s svetom.


Vsebina

Strategija in politika na Mississippi Edit

Od začetka ameriške državljanske vojne aprila 1861 sta ZDA in Konfederacije nadzor nad reko Mississippi postavila pomemben del svoje strategije. Konfederacija je želela še naprej uporabljati reko za prevoz potrebnih zalog, Unija pa je želela ustaviti to oskrbovalno pot in zabiti klin, ki bi razdelil konfederacijske države in ozemlja. Na jugu je bil še posebej pomemben odsek Mississippija, ki je vključeval ustje Rdeče reke. Rdeča je bila glavna pot Konfederacije za premikanje življenjsko pomembnih zalog med vzhodom in zahodom: sol, govedo in konji so potovali navzdol od zahoda Trans-Mississippi v nasprotni smeri, od koder so tekli moški in strelivo z vzhoda. [3]: 2–6 [4]: ​​4

Spomladi in zgodaj poleti 1862 je Unija okrepila nadzor nad Mississippijem tako s severa kot z juga. Od ustja reke se je flota, ki ji je poveljeval častnik David G. Farragut, prebila skozi konfederacijske utrdbe v bitki pri Forts Jackson in St. Philip, kar je zavzelo New Orleans. Druga flota Unije, ki ji je poveljeval Charles H. Davis, je zasedla Memphis v Tennesseeju, potem ko je v bitki pri Memphisu premagala rečne sile Konfederacije. Da bi zagotovili, da bi lahko še naprej uporabljala srednji del reke, so južno utrjeni položaji v Vicksburgu in Port Hudsonu. [5]

Prvotno idejo o utrjevanju višin Port Hudson je izviral od južnega mojstra fiksne obrambe, generala Pierra G.T. Beauregard, poveljnik vojske Mississippija. Beauregard je v pismu generalmajorju Mansfieldu Lovellu, poveljniku spodnjega Mississippija marca 1862, priporočil, "... utrjevanje Port Hudson kot previdnostni ukrep proti padcu naše obrambe severno od Memphisa." Junija 1862 je generalmajor Earl Van Dorn Jeffersonu Davisu napisal: "Hočem Baton Rouge in Port Hudson". Nekaj ​​dni po padcu Baton Rougea proti Uniji je konfederacijski general John C. Breckinridge s 4.000 možmi izpolnil želje generala Van Dorna, tako da je z vojaki pod poveljstvom zavzel Port Hudson, ki se nahaja med Baton Rougeom in Bayou Saro. General Daniel Ruggles. Vojaki 4. pehote Louisiane so na mesto prispeli 15. avgusta 1862. [6]

Po mnenju zgodovinarja Johna D. Wintersa je bil "Port Hudson, za razliko od Baton Rougea, ena najmočnejših točk na reki, baterije, postavljene na blefi, pa bi lahko povezovale celotno rečno fronto." To je bil položaj, podoben položaju mesta Quebec na reki St. Lawrence v francoski in indijski vojni. [7]

Politični zagon za ukrepe Unije proti Port Hudsonu je bil posledica volitev novembra 1862. Republikansko bazo s središčem v Ohiu, Indiani in Illinoisu so pretresle neprijetne zmage demokratov. Dramatično pismo guvernerja Indiane Oliverja P. Mortona Lincolnu je trdilo, da "usoda severozahoda trepeta na koncu." Njegov pomen je bil, da je možen nadaljnji razpad Unije, če neodvisna trgovina držav Unije ob reki Ohio ni bila obnovljena z nadzorom Unije nad celotnim Mississippijem. Morton je verjel, da so zvezne države Ohio, Indiana in Illinois v nevarnosti, da se odcepijo od severovzhoda, da se pridružijo Konfederaciji, ki je postajala vse bolj donosna priložnost. Poleg tega so južna območja teh držav naselili ljudje z juga, od katerih so se mnogi ohranili istovetnost s to regijo in njeno kulturo. [8]

Grožnja političnih zlomov je sprožila Lincolnovo upravo. Generalmajor Nathanial Banks je bil preusmerjen z morebitne odprave v Teksas in mu je poveljstvo departmaja Zaliva dal Benjamin Butler. Poveljnik Zveze vseh vojsk Henry Wager Halleck je Banksu dejal, da predsednik Lincoln "meni, da je odprtje reke Mississippi prva in najpomembnejša od vseh naših vojaških in pomorskih operacij, in upamo, da ne boste izgubili niti trenutka pri uresničevanju. " 4. decembra 1862 sta Banks in njegova odprava odpotovala v New Orleans. [9]: 21–3

Maja 1863 so kopenske in pomorske sile Unije začele kampanjo, za katero so upale, da jim bo omogočila nadzor nad celotno dolžino reke Mississippi. Ena vojska pod generalmajorjem Ulyssesom S. Grantom je začela operacije proti utrjenemu položaju Konfederacije v Vicksburgu na severnem koncu reke, ki je še vedno v južnih rokah, medtem ko je druga vojska pod generalmajorjem Nathanielom P. Banks istočasno napadla Port Hudson na južnem koncu. [10]

Ustanovitev trdnjave Edit

Port Hudson je bil postavljen na 80 metrov (24 m) blefu na vzhodnem bregu nad ovinkom za las v reki Mississippi, 25 milj (40 km) navzgor od Baton Rougea. Hribi in grebeni na območju mesta so predstavljali izjemno neraven teren, labirint globokih, z gozdom pogozdenih grap, močvirja in trsnih zavor, ki ustvarjajo naravno trdnjavo. Mesto je bilo pristanišče za prevoz bombaža in sladkorja navzdol iz okolice. Kljub pomembnosti je imelo mesto na začetku vojne le nekaj stavb in 200 ljudi. Reka se je premaknila proti jugu, doki pa so se premaknili približno 0,80 km južno.

Leta 1862 je bila zgrajena železnica do mesta Clinton, 19 milj (31 km) proti severovzhodu. Celotna dolžina železnice Port Hudson in Clinton je bila 34 km. Ni se povezal z železnico New Orleans, Jackson in Great Northern, ki je Louisiano povezovala z drugimi državami in s Camp Moorejem, glavnim zbirališčem konfederacijskih sil v departmaju. Tudi do leta 1862 je železnica propadla, tir je sestavljen iz železnih trakov, pribitih na gnile vezi. Celoten vozni park je bil sestavljen iz ene lokomotive, enega osebnega avtomobila ter šestih vagonov s prikolico in ravnim vozilom. Ta vlak je lahko sprejel največ nekaj sto vojakov in ni bil primeren za vleko težkih pušk in njihovega streliva. To pomanjkanje prevoza, neodvisno od reke, bi omejilo obrambo pristanišča Port Hudson. [11]

Začetne načrte za utrdbe so pripravili s pomočjo stotnika Jamesa Nocqueta, glavnega inženirja generala Breckinridgea. Poleg posojanja svojega inženirskega osebja je Breckinridge prav tako pooblastil Rugglesa, da zbere želene potrebščine in orodja po železnici Clinton in Port Hudson ter kakršno koli delovno silo, ki jo območje lahko zagotovi za gradnjo. Upoštevani so bili trije različni načrti zemeljskih del: osrednji topovski topovski nosilec, podprt z nagnjenimi obrobami, vrsta lunet, razporejenih vzdolž 400-metrske črte, in neprekinjen obroč redutov, jarkov in parapetov, ki obkrožajo celotno lego.

Prva možnost je bila zavrnjena, ker je bila oborožitev položajev skoncentrirana v premajhen cilj, zaradi česar je postala preveč ranljiva za bombardiranje. Tretja možnost je bila zavrnjena, ker je bilo obleganje malo verjetno, naloga gradnje tako obsežnih del pa je bila preveč ambiciozna, saj bi bil obseg obroča 13 kilometrov in bi za obrambo potreboval 35.000 mož in 70 kosov topništva. Linija lunet je bila določena kot najboljši načrt za obrambo višin Port Hudson, gradnja pa se je začela na liniji sedmih, ki stoji ob reki.

Generalu Breckinridgeu je bilo kmalu ukazano, da večino svojih vojakov odpelje v Kentucky, 18. avgusta pa je odšel in pustil le 1500 mož, ki so delali na utrdbah pod Rugglesovim poveljstvom. Ruggles je imel dvainštiridesetmetrski gladkocevni top, ki ga je takoj namestil, na njem so bili nekdanji mornarji CSS Arkansas. tisto leto je bil uničen v bitki pri Baton Rougeu. Kmalu so iz zapuščene razbitine USS dodali dva dvaintrideset funtov Sumter. [12]

Lunete montirajo topništvo, kot so ga uporabljali v Port Hudsonu.

Fotografija zemeljskih del in ene od globokih gozdnatih grap, ki so branile Port Hudson, 1863–1864, zbirka Kongresne knjižnice.

Garrison Housing - Lokalno improvizirane konfederacijske strukture, ki so zagotavljale stanovanja za garnizon Port Hudson, 1863–1864, zbirka Kongresne knjižnice.

Union Navy ocenjuje obrambo Edit

Generalu Rugglesu je bilo 29. avgusta 1862 ukazano, da poveljstvo pristanišča Port Hudson preda brigadnemu generalu Williamu Nelsonu, rektorju Beallu, in odpelje nekaj svojih vojakov v Mississippi. To je bil dan, ko je mornarica Union začela izpodbijati orožje Port Hudson za nadzor Mississippija. Improvizirana čolna Union USS Anglo-ameriški, leseni parni čoln s stranskim kolesom, je šel mimo Port Hudsona navzgor in se pridružil floti poveljnika Davida Dixona Porterja v Vicksburgu. Čeprav je bil večkrat ustreljen s strelom iz pristanišča Hudson, zaradi mokrih nabojev in pomanjkanja streliva ni mogel vrniti ognja. The Anglo-ameriški pridružil Porterjevi floti in poročal o utrdbah v Port Hudsonu.

Porter se je na novo grožnjo odzval z bombardiranjem položaja upornikov z USS Essex in Anglo-ameriški 7. septembra flota Unije je Port Hudsonu naredila malo škode, toda Essex prejel znatno škodo. Porter je v Port Hudsonu poročal o 35 do 40 težkih puškah, kar je precejšnje pretiravanje. Med zatišjem, ko je Unija odlašala z vnosom več ladij na območje, je Beall počasi razširil utrdbe. To delo se je upočasnilo zaradi motenj delov reke, ki jih nadzoruje Unija, in neustreznega železniškega in cestnega sistema, ki podpira njegov položaj. Do takrat je predsednik Konfederacije Jefferson Davis spoznal, da bo Mississippi, ki povezuje železniško progo Port Hudson in Clinton z Jacksonom, neprecenljiv pri preklapljanju rezerv med Vicksburgom in Port Hudsonom, odvisno od tega, kaj je najbolj ogroženo. Obupno pomanjkanje železa in transporta znotraj Konfederacije je onemogočilo takšno gradnjo. Beall je od Davisa zahteval uvedbo vojnega stanja v regiji Port Hudson, da bi poveljeval več delavcev za gradbeništvo, vendar je Davis tudi to zanikal.

Beall je ustanovil bolnišnico na Centenary College v Jacksonu v Louisiani za invalidske čete iz Port Hudsona in Clintona, vendar se je izkazalo, da je prostor neustrezen. Konfederacijska birokracija je maršalu maribora Garrisona John C. Millerju otežila gradnjo logističnega sistema skladišč in prevozov za oskrbovanje posadke s hrano, medicinskimi potrebščinami, vojašnicami, posteljnino in drugim materialom, potrebnim za njihovo zdravje. K slabemu zdravju garnizona je prispevala tudi uporaba zemeljskih del za utrjevanje, ki so za vzdrževanje zahtevala neskončno delo in so bila nezdrava za bivanje.

Slabe oskrbovalne linije, lakota in bolezni naj bi ostale stalne težave položaja pristanišča Hudson in preplavile prizadevanja za izboljšanje pogojev za vojake garnizona. Zasebnik Louisiane Robert D. Patrick je zapisal: "... nikoli, odkar sem v vojski, mi ni šlo tako slabo in v resnici sem bil skoraj lačen." Hkrati se je povečala komercialna dejavnost med Port Hudsonom in območji zahodno od Mississippija, ker je Port Hudson postal edina preostala povezava s Trans-Mississippijem. To je povezovalo še več omejenih transportnih zmogljivosti Port Hudson. [14] [15]

Sprememba ukazov Uredi

Lincolnov novi poveljnik Zaliva, Nathaniel P. Banks, je 14. decembra 1862 prišel v New Orleans s 31.000 možmi njegove odprave. Nekdanji poveljnik Benjamin Butler je 24. decembra odšel v Lowell, Massachusetts, vendar je njegovih 12.000 vojakov ostalo zadaj. To je dejansko več kot podvojilo število ameriških vojakov na območju Zaliva. Banke so jim 17. decembra ukazale, naj ponovno zasedejo Baton Rouge. [16]

Ukaz Konfederacije se je na to povečano zavezo Unije odzval tako, da je na novo povečan generalmajor poslal Port Hudson. Generalmajor Franklin Gardner je na svoje mesto prišel 27. decembra 1862. Gardner je bil karierni oficir vojske, ki je leta 1843 v svojem razredu diplomiral na West Pointu 17. Domači Newyorčan je poveljeval konjeniški brigadi v Shilohu in je bil takrat star 39 let. njegovega prihoda. Ko je prevzel poveljstvo, je reorganiziral obrambo v Port Hudsonu, osredotočil ognjena polja težkih pušk in hitro postavil več zemeljskih del z uporabo nabito zemljo in sodom namesto tradicionalnih gabionov ali vreč s peskom.

Ker ni imel ustreznega inženirskega osebja, je napredoval zasebnika Henryja Glinderja, ki je bil prej član raziskave obal, v prvega poročnika inženirjev. Povečal je tudi učinkovitost oskrbe in skladiščenja, skupaj z gradnjo zaščitenih cest v obrambnem sistemu, da bi pospešil premik vojakov na ogrožene položaje. Njegova energija pri izboljšanju in spodbujanju tistih, ki so vredni poveljevanja, ga je postala priljubljena med vojaki in izboljšala moralo garnizona. Kljub spremembam je polkovnik Charles M. Fauntleroy, generalni inšpektor oddelka, kritiziral utrdbe, ker so vsebovale preveliko število civilistov, slabo postavljene revije, slab prevoz in skladiščenje žita ter ni sistema za pravočasno plačevanje vojakov. [17]

Ko je Gardner okrepil svoj ukaz in zbral okrepitve iz Pembertona, poslane s parnikom iz Vicksburga, se je Banks umaknil v New Orleansu. Ni imel veliko zaupanja v sistem organizacije in vojaške vlade, ki ga je pustilo Butlerjevo poveljstvo, in je veliko časa porabil za reorganizacijo uprave Unije in vzpostavitev bolj sproščene civilne vlade, ki je umirila nekdanje podpornike Konfederacije v mestu. Banks je bil "politični general" in se je bolje počutil pri političnem organiziranju in družbenih zadevah kot vodenje vojsk na teren proti domnevno grozljivim utrdbam. To pomanjkanje vojaške vneme so opazili njegovi častniki. Polkovnik Sidney A. Bean je v svoj dnevnik zapisal, da je bilo pod Butlerjevim "veliko doseženo z majhnimi sredstvi. Zdaj z velikimi sredstvi ni mogoče doseči ničesar". Vodja unije, ki ga je ta očitna vztrajnost najbolj prizadela, je bil kontraadmiral David G. Farragut iz ameriške mornarice. Čeprav so se Banke nejevoljno strinjale, da se premaknejo proti Port Hudsonu, je njegov počasen napredek in povečana aktivnost upornikov na Mississippiju na območju Port Hudson povzročila, da je Farragutu zmanjkalo potrpljenja. Marca 1863 se je Farragut pripravil na soočenje s Port Hudsonom brez podpore vojske. [18]

Farragutova flota kljubuje Port Hudson Edit

Farragut je svoje napadalne sile zbral do 13. marca 1863. To floto so sestavljale štiri glavne bojne ladje in tri čolni. Glavne bojne ladje so bile vojaške ladje USS Hartford, USS Richmond, in USS Monongahela in fregata za parno veslo USS Mississippi. Pištole so bile USS Albatros, USS Genesee, in USS Kineo. Farragut je poveljeval tej floti s svoje vodilne ladje, Hartford. Prvih šest plovil je bilo pritrjenih skupaj v napadno kolono parov Mississippi sama vzgaja zadaj. [20] [21]

Farragut se je precej podrobno pripravil samih plovil na nočni napad, podoben bitki pri Forts Jackson in St. Phillip, očistil ladje za ukrepanje, pobelil strelne palube za boljšo vidljivost za nočno akcijo in pripeljal minometne čolne za podporo. Imel je tudi sidrne verige napadalnih ladij, pritrjene na stranice napadalnih ladij kot improviziran oklep. Ni pa naredil sistematičnega pregleda obrambe in trajnega bombardiranja, ki je podprlo bitko za prehod utrdb, ki so varovale New Orleans. [20] [21]

Trdnjava Konfederacije je bila pripravljena na napad, saj je opazila povečano pomorsko aktivnost navzdol in strele šestih minometnih škun, ki so pokrivale napredovanje flote Unije blizu Prerokovega otoka, tri milje (4,3 km) navzdol od Port Hudsona. V tem času so imeli konfederati več kot dvajset topov, ki so pokrivali reko, razporejenih v enajstih baterijah topništva, vključno z devetimi baterijami težkega obalnega topništva. Podpolkovnik Marshall J. Smith je poveljeval tem težkim puškam in je pred bitko poučil posadke o svojih načrtih. [22]

Baterija številka sedem je bila ogrevana, saj je bila uporaba streliva še posebej učinkovita proti lesenim bojnim ladjam. Druge priprave so vključevale pripravo kupov borovega lesa za vžig za osvetlitev reke za nočno delovanje in opazovalne točke v bližini reke za izstrelitev raket, da bi opozorili na približevanje sovražnikovih plovil. Prva od teh raket je bila izstreljena ob 23.20 14. marca 1863 ob približevanju Farragutove flote. Takoj je bil iz baterije 9 izstreljen osem palčni (203 mm) gladkocevni ogenj Albatros, začetek bitke. Flota Unije je vztrajno napredovala navzgor in začela splošen požar širokih bokov, takoj ko so njihove puške udarile po nižjih baterijah Konfederacije na pobočjih Port Hudson. Težje puške Konfederacije, nameščene čez stene sedmih lunet na grebenu blefa, so imele težave pri ciljanju na ladje, ki so objemale obalne črte, da bi se izognile plitvinam na zahodni obali v bližini krivulje reke. severno od Port Hudsona. [22]

Grobi črni prah je bil topniško gorivo tega obdobja in je pri streljanju iz topov ustvarjal goste oblake belega dima. V kombinaciji z dimom požarov razsvetljave borovega lesa in temo nočnega napada je bila dolina reke hitro zatemnjena. Slep zaradi gostega dima, Hartford in Albatros nasedli na vzhodni obali pod uporniškimi baterijami. Kljub temu, da sta deset minut nasedli, sta dve povezani vodilni ladji prečkali zadnji položaj topov Konfederacije do 12:15 in bili izven dosega Port Hudson do 12:45. [22]

Preostanek flote ni imel te sreče. Genesee in Richmond so bili naslednji v koloni. Trik vetra je za trenutek odstranil dim med baterijami in ladjami, in Richmond ga je ubil uporniški strel in granata. Tako kot Richmond pri reki severno od Port Hudsona je zavil 6,4-palčni (163 mm) trden stožčast strel, ki je prebil desni bok in razbil varnostne ventile tako v pristanišču kot v desnem boku. To je motorjem zmanjšalo moč in ladjo napolnilo z oblaki izhajajoče pare. Genesee sama nista imela dovolj moči, da bi ustavila tok, in obe ladji sta odleteli nazaj navzdol. [22]

Monongahela in Kineo so bili naslednji v koloni in tudi zaslepljeni od dima nasedli na zahodni obali. Udar je ločil dve ladji. Stres ob umiku z obale je onemogočen Monongahela motor in okrogli lonec za dvaindvajset kilogramov (14,5 kg) Kineo , ki onemogoča njeno krmiljenje. Obe ladji sta pluli navzdol. [22]

Mississippi je bil zadnji na vrsti in se je tudi nasedel na zahodni obali. Velika parna fregata je bila nepremagljiva tarča in je bila prepredena s strelom, lupino in vročim strelom. Plovilo je na mnogih mestih vžgano, pri čemer je revijo ogrozil plamen, zato jo je kapitan Smith ukazal zapustiti. Garnizon Port Hudson je glasno vzkliknil, ko je ladja gorela in se okoli treh zjutraj odplavila z obale in nazaj navzdol, kar je povzročilo paniko nad ostankom flote Unije navzdol ob grožnji, da bo njena revija eksplodirala. Ob 5:05 uri Mississippi izginila v grozljivi eksploziji, ki so jo v New Orleansu videli skoraj 80 milj (129 km.) navzdol. [22]

Čeprav Hartford in Albatros prečkali navzgor in blokirali Rdečo reko, general Gardner in garnizon Port Hudson sta bitko ocenila kot zmago. Preživeli so le tri uvrščene vojake in tri častnike in devetnajst moških ranjenih, v primerjavi z osemindvajsetimi ubitimi ali pogrešanimi in petintridesetimi ranjenimi na floti Unije. Blokada Rdeče reke je prav tako malo vplivala na moč položaja Port Hudson. [22]

Kontraadmiral David G. Farragut

Pogled sodobnega časopisa na floto Unije mimo Port Hudson, ki jo je izdal Harperjev tedenski časopis 18. aprila 1863.

USS Mississippi ga je orožje Port Hudson popolnoma uničilo. Poročnik George Dewey, ki je kasneje postal admiral, je preživel razbitino.

Bankova vojska se premakne proti trdnjavi Edit

Po pomorskem napadu se je Banks umaknil 17.000 vojakov, ki jih je nameraval preusmeriti v podporo Farragutu nazaj v Baton Rouge. Pomanjkanje napada na Port Hudson in močna nevihta ob umiku sta znižala moralo v silah Unije. Razen občasnih pomorskih bombardiranj proti Port Hudsonu je Banks pod pritiskom Washingtona, da bi pokazal napredek, sprožil kampanjo proti konfederacijskim silam generalmajorja Taylorja v zahodni Louisiani in pridobil nadzor nad Aleksandrijo ter oporo na Rdeči reki. Kar ga je končno pripeljalo do napada neposredno proti Port Hudsonu, je bila možnost okrepitve iz Grantove vojske, razporejene proti Vicksburgu, in beseda, da je bil pomemben del garnizona Port Hudson poslan v Pemberton v Vicksburgu.

11. maja 1863 so 3. domorodne straže v Louisiani, ena od Butlerjevih črnih polkov, začele graditi mostove za podporo gibanju bančnih sil proti Port Hudsonu. Napredek je vodila konjeniška brigada polkovnika Benjamina Henryja Griersona, ki se je 2. maja pridružila Bankovim silam po njihovem znamenitem napadu na uporniške črte. Celoten napredek je vključeval gibanje klešč s tremi vojaškimi divizijami, ki so napredovale s severozahoda iz Bayou Sare in se srečevale z dvema divizijama, ki so napredovale z juga iz Baton Rougea. Srečanje obeh skupin bi obkrožilo Port Hudson.

Eden od vodilnih oddelkov Banks iz Baton Rougea se je 21. maja srečal s Konfederati v trgovini Battle of Plains Store. Konfederacije so bile odgnane nazaj in do 22. maja so Bankove sile, ki so se z napredovanjem operacije povečale s 30.000 na 40.000 mož, zaključile naložbo v obrambo Port Hudson. Banks je upal, da bo hitro prehitel zavoje, nato pa odpeljal svojo vojsko proti severu, da bi pomagal Grantu pri Vicksburgu. [24]

Union Edit

Konfederacijsko urejanje

Prvi napad pehote Edit

Obleganje in napad utrjenih položajev sta verjetno najbolj zapletena in zahtevna vojaška delovanja. Najpomembnejši avtor pri teh zadevah v času državljanske vojne je bil še vedno francoski inženir iz 17. stoletja, markiz de Vauban, ki je oblikoval številne evropske utrdbene sisteme in organiziral številna uspešna obleganja. Konfederacijska zemeljska dela Port Hudson in njihova uporaba topniških lunet kažejo njegov vpliv, njegovi teoriji pa bi koristili ustrezni napadi na take sisteme. Namesto da bi upošteval to zalogo informacij, se je generalmajor Banks odločil preprosto pohiteti z utrdbami s svojo pehoto. Vendar tega ni storil takoj.

General Gardner se je odločil okrepiti proge, ki ščitijo mlin za žito Konfederacije, in podpirati trgovine na območjih v bližini Malega Sandy Creeka, ker se mu ni zdelo obleganje verjetno in tega območja še ni okrepil. Druge čete Konfederacije so ostale zunaj utrdb, ki jih je sestavljalo 1200 vojakov pod poveljstvom polkovnika Johna L. Logana. Ti so predstavljali vso Gardnerjevo konjenico, 9. bataljon Louisiane, partizanske rangerje in dva topniška dela Robertove baterije. Te čete so upočasnile obkrožanje bank in jim preprečile, da bi odkrile pomanjkljivosti obrambe. Zaradi teh zamud je bil napad pehote načrtovan za 27. maj 1863, pet dni po obkrožanju in dovolj časa, da Gardner dokonča obrambni obroč okoli Port Hudsona. Imel je tudi dovolj časa za premik topništva z rečne strani trdnjave na vzhodno stran pred zveznimi silami. [25]

Weitzelovi jutranji napadi Edit

Banks je ustanovil svoj sedež na Rileyjevem nasadu in načrtoval napade s svojim osebjem in poveljniki divizij. Mnogi so nasprotovali ideji, da bi poskušali utrditi utrdbo s preprostim napadom, vendar je Banks hotel čim prej končati obleganje, da bi podprl Granta, in menil je, da bo 30.000 vojakov, ki so mu na voljo, zlahka prisililo k predaji 7500 vojakov pod Gardnerjem, prednost štiri proti enemu. Organizirane so bile štiri različne napadalne skupine pod poveljstvom generalov Godfreya Weitzela, Cuvierja Groverja, Christopherja C. Augurja in Thomasa W. Shermana (pogosto pomotoma opredeljeni kot sorodnik generala Williama Tecumseha Shermana). Banki pa za njegov nameravani hkratni napad nista izbrala določenega časa, njegovim poveljnikom pa sta ukazala, naj "... začneta v najzgodnejši uri".

Posledica tega je bil prekinitev napada, pri čemer sta generala Weitzel in Grover napadla na severni in severovzhodni strani utrdbe ob zori, generala Augur in Sherman pa opoldne na vzhodni in jugovzhodni strani. Pomorsko bombardiranje se je začelo noč pred napadom, 13 -palčne (330 mm) minobacače so večino večera streljale, zgornja in spodnja flota pa so začele streljati eno uro po 7. uri. Kopenske baterije vojske so po 5 uri izstrelile še eno uro bombardiranja. : 30. uri. Weitzelovi dve diviziji sta napad začeli ob 6. uri na severu in napredovali po gosto gozdnatih grapah, ki mejijo na dolino Malega Sandy Creeka. Ta dolina je napad pripeljala do izrazitega grebena, znanega kot "bikovsko pero" "kjer so zagovorniki zaklali živino in luneto na grebenu z vzdevkom" Fort Desperate ", ki je bila na hitro improvizirana za zaščito trdnjavskega mlina za žito.

Na koncu te grape med njima je bil hrib, opisan kot "komisarski hrib", na katerem je bila nameščena topniška baterija. The Union troops were caught in a crossfire from these three positions, and held in place by dense vegetation and obstacles placed by rebel troops that halted their advance. The combination of rugged terrain, a crossfire from three sides, and rebel sharpshooters inflicted many casualties. The Union troops advancing west of the bull pen were made up of Fearing's brigade. These soldiers were caught between the bull pen, which had been reinforced with the 14th, 18th, and 23rd Arkansas regiments from the east side of Port Hudson, and a more western fortified ridge manned by Lieutenant Colonel M. B. Locke's Alabama troops. Once again the combination of steep sided ravines, dense vegetation, and a rebel crossfire from ridge top trenches halted the Union advance. Premature shell bursts from the supporting artillery of the 1st Maine Battery also caused Union casualties.

Seeing that his advance had been stopped, Brigadier General William Dwight ordered the 1st and 3rd Louisiana Native Guard forward into the attack. These troops were not intended to take part in the attack due to the general prejudice against African-American troops on the part of the Union high command. Dwight was determined to break through the Confederate fortifications however, and committed them to the attack at 10 am. Since they had been deployed as pioneers, working on the pontoon bridge over Big Sandy Creek near its junction with the Mississippi, these troops were in the worst possible position for an attack of all the units in Weitzel's northern assault group.

The Guard first had to advance over the pontoon bridge, along Telegraph Road with a fortified ridge to their left manned by William B. Shelby's 39th Mississippi troops supported by a light artillery battery, the Confederate heavy artillery batteries to their front, and the Mississippi river to their immediate left. Despite the heavy crossfire from rifles, field artillery, and heavy coast guns, the Louisiana Native Guards advanced with determination and courage, led by Captain Andre Cailloux, a free black citizen of New Orleans. Giving orders in English and French, Cailloux led the Guard regiments forward until killed by artillery fire. Taking heavy losses, the attackers were forced to retreat to avoid annihilation. This fearless advance did much to dissipate the belief that black troops were unreliable under fire. [26]

In an attempt to support Weitzel's unsuccessful assault, Brigadier Grover, commanding the northeast attack on the fortress, sent two of his regiments along the road leading northeast from Commissary Hill to assault Fort Desperate. This group had no more success than Weitzel's troops, so Grover sent three more regiments to attack the stubborn 15th Arkansas troops defending the fort. These piecemeal and sporadic efforts were also futile, and the fighting ended on the northern edge of the fortress by noon. [27]

Thomas Sherman's afternoon attacks Edit

While the infantry attacks raged against the northern section of the fortress, Brigadier General Sherman lined up 30 cannon opposite the eastern side of the fortress and conducted a steady bombardment of the rebel works and battery positions, supported by sharpshooters aiming for Confederate artillery crews. This effort had some success, but General Banks, upon hearing no rifle fire from the Union center, visited Sherman's headquarters and threatened to relieve him of command unless he advanced his troops. Sherman then began the attack on the eastern edge of the Port Hudson works at about 2 pm.

These attacks included the troops of Augur as well as his own, and had less in the way of natural terrain obstacles to contend with, but in this area the Confederates had more time to construct fortifications, and had put more effort and firepower into them. One feature of the earthworks in this region was a dry moat and more abatis or cut down trees in front of the parapet. The Union attackers therefore carried axes, poles, planks, cotton bags and fascines to fill in the ditch. Another feature of the rebel defense was a battery containing two 24-pounder smoothbore (5.82-inch, 148 mm bore) as canister throwers.

In this case the canister was composed of broken chains, segments of railroad rails, and other scrap iron. Confederate Colonel William R. Miles, commanding the infantry in the sector, had also removed all the rifles from the hospital that had been left by the sick and wounded. He was thus able to equip each of his soldiers with three weapons, greatly increasing their firepower. When the Union infantry closed within 200 yards they were met by a hail of rifle and canister fire, and few made it within 70 yards of the Confederate lines. Union commanders Sherman and Dow were wounded in these attacks, and Lieutenant Colonel James O'Brien, commanding the pioneer group, was killed. At 5 pm the commander of the 159th New York raised a white flag to signal a truce to remove the wounded and dead from the field. This ended the fighting for the day. None of the Union attacks had even made it to the Confederate parapets. [28]

The last infantry attack on the Port Hudson fortifications Edit

The successful defense of their lines brought a renewed confidence to Gardner and his garrison. They felt though a combination of well planned defensive earthworks and the skillful and deliberate reinforcement of threatened areas, the superior numbers of attackers had been repulsed. Learning from his experience, Gardner organized a more methodical system of defense. This involved dividing the fortifications into a network of defense zones, with an engineering officer in charge of strengthening the defense in each area. For the most part this involved once again charting the best cross fire for artillery positions, improving firepower concentrations, and digging protective pits to house artillery when not in use, to protect them from enemy bombardment.

Spent bullets and scrap metal were sewed into shirtsleeves to make up canister casings for the artillery, and the heavy coast guns facing the river that had center pivot mounts were cleared for firing on Union positions on the eastern side of the fortress. Three of these guns were equipped for this, and one 10-inch (250 mm)columbiad in Battery Four was so effective in this that Union troops referred to it as the "Demoralizer." Its fearful reputation spawned the myth that it was mounted on a railroad car, and could fire from any position in the fortifications. Captain L.J. Girard was placed in charge of the function of the artillery, and despite material shortages, achieved miracles in keeping the artillery functional. Rifles captured from the enemy or taken from hospitalized soldiers were stacked for use by troops in the trench lines.

Positions in front of the lines were land mined with unexploded 13-inch (330 mm)mortar shells, known as "torpedoes" at the time. Sniper positions were also prepared at high points in the trench works for sharpshooters. These methods improved the defense, but could not make up for the fact that the garrison was short of everything except gunpowder. The food shortage was a drag on morale, and resulted in a significant level of desertion to the enemy. This drain on manpower was recorded by Colonel Steedman who wrote, "Our most serious and annoying difficulty is the unreliable character of a portion of our Louisiana troops. Many have deserted to the enemy, giving him information of our real condition yet in the same regiments we have some of our ablest officers and men." Miles Louisiana Legion was considered the greatest offender. [29]

On the Union side, astonishment and chagrin were near universal in reaction to the decisive defeat of the infantry assaults. Banks was determined to continue the siege in view of the fact that his political as well as military career would be destroyed by a withdrawal to Baton Rouge. The resources of his entire command were called into play, and men and material poured into the Union encirclement. Nine additional regiments appeared in the lines by June 1. 89 field guns were brought into action, and naval guns from the USS Richmond were added to the siege guns bearing on the fortress. These six naval guns were 9-inch (229 mm) Dahlgren smoothbores. The guns were originally intended for a battery at the Head of Passes in the Mississippi Delta. The fact that four were finally emplaced in Battery Number 10, just east of "Fort Desperate" and two in Number 24, gives some idea of the reach and progress of the Union Navy. Each of the Dahlgren guns weighed 9020 pounds and was 9 feet long, capable of firing a 73.5 pound (33.3 kg) exploding shell. [30] [31] : 204

The second assault began with a sustained shelling of the Confederate works beginning at 11:15 am on June 13, 1863, and lasting an hour. Banks then sent a message to Gardner demanding the surrender of his position. Gardner's reply was, "My duty requires me to defend this position, and therefore I decline to surrender". Banks continued the bombardment for the night, but only gave the order for what was to be a simultaneous three prong infantry attack on 1 am of June 14. The attack finally began at 3:30 am, but the lack of any agreed upon plan, and a heavy fog disordered the attack as it began. Grover's column struck the Confederate line at "Fort Desperate" before the others, and the same formidable terrain combined with the enhanced Confederate defense stopped the attacks outside the rebel works. Auger's demonstration at the center arrived after the main attack had failed, and the attack on the southern end of the line was made after daylight, and stood little chance as a result. The infantry attack had only resulted in even more dead and wounded soldiers, 1,792 casualties against 47 rebel, including division commander Brig. Gen. Halbert E. Paine. He led the main attack and fell wounded, losing a leg. After this, the actions against Port Hudson were reduced to bombardment and siege. [32] [33]

Six of these mortar schooners armed with the 13- inch (330 mm) seacoast mortar supported the Union attack with indirect fire from an anchorage near Prophet's Island, downriver from Port Hudson. (U.S. Army Military History Institute.)

A Confederate 10-inch (254 mm) columbiad on a center pivot mount, similar to the "Demoralizer" in Battery Four at Port Hudson

The Yankee answer: A four-gun battery of Dahlgren 9-inch (229 mm) navy smoothbores from USS Richmond set up just east of "Fort Desperate" in battery ten (see Fortifications and Batteries map) (National Archives).

A nine-inch (229 mm) Union navy Dahlgren gun set up on land for siege work as they were at battery ten at Port Hudson. The gun is whitewashed so it can be more easily worked at night. The projections at the breech are for the navy double vent percussion firing system. The crewman at the far right is wearing the Union navy uniform.

A Union sapper or combat engineer group digs a trench in the direction of an enemy fortification. A gabion provides cover from enemy fire. At Port Hudson a sugar hogshead stuffed with cotton or a cotton bale would serve the same purpose.

Last stages of the siege, June 15 to July 9, 1863 Edit

The day after the last infantry assault, General Banks assembled some of his troops at the corps headquarters and thanked them for their previous efforts and sacrifices. He also asked for volunteers for a special attack group to be trained intensively to breach the Confederate trench line. His speech generated little enthusiasm, but a unit of 1036 men was formed and removed to a training camp in the rear to prepare for the attack. There they assembled siege ladders and organized into two battalions, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel John B. Van Petten and Lieutenant Colonel A. S. Bickmore. Colonel Henry Warner Birge of the 13th Connecticut Infantry volunteered to lead the special assault regiment. [34] : 94–5

Regular siege operations were also reorganized under the command of a new chief engineer, Captain John C. Palfrey. He concentrated the efforts of the siege on three areas of the fortifications, Fort Desperate, the Priest Cap (Confederate batteries 14 & 15), and the Citadel, the southernmost bastion of the fortifications, nicknamed by Union forces as "the Devil's Elbow". These efforts did not involve infantry rushing the trenches, but a siege technique called sapping, or constructing a series of zigzag trenches, fortified batteries, and sharpshooter positions intended to isolate and suppress individual defensive bastions. The sharpshooter or sniper positions were described at the time as trench cavaliers and were raised mounds of earth, reinforced with timbers or other materials to allow riflemen to overlook the enemy trenches and fire down into them.

The Citadel was to be reduced by a powerful siege battery constructed on a hill just to the south, Union battery number 24, intended to suppress the Confederate position by superior firepower. Union batteries were also constructed on the west bank of the Mississippi opposite Port Hudson, completely surrounding it with Union artillery batteries. Union forces also made raids on opposing trenches and batteries, to enhance their own trench lines or disable enemy batteries. Some of the 6th Michigan troops opposite the Citadel were armed with the .54 caliber (14 mm) breech-loading Merrill carbine, which gave them a rapid fire edge in trench raids. On June 26, a general bombardment from Union batteries and guns of the Union fleet began, disabling or suppressing what remained of the Confederate artillery. Along with the trenching operations, the Federals also constructed three mines underneath the opposing works, two of them directed against the Priest Cap, and one under the Citadel. After the mines were finished, chambers at the end of the mines would be loaded with powder, and exploded under the Confederate works, destroying them, and blowing gaps in the trench lines. At this point an infantry assault would be launched, hopefully overrunning the entire fortification. [35]

The Confederates responded to the siege techniques with increased efforts of their own. The grist mill at Fort Desperate had been destroyed by shelling. It was replaced by using the locomotive from the defunct railroad to power millstones, providing a steady supply of cornmeal for the garrison. Expended rifle and artillery shells were salvaged for reuse by the defense, small arms shot being recast for making new cartridges, artillery rounds reused and distributed to Confederate artillery of the same caliber, or reused as mines and grenades. Additional trench lines, obstacles, mines, and bunkers were added to the threatened bastions, making them more difficult to bombard, infiltrate, or overrun. The Priest Cap bastion had a particularly elaborate defense system, including the use of telegraph wire staked up to a height of 18 inches (460 mm), in order to trip attacking infantry. Additional field artillery and infantry were added to the defense of Fort Desperate, making sapping in that area more costly.

Various raids against Union saps were also conducted. On June 26, the Confederates launched a trench raid by the 16th Arkansas Infantry against the Priest Cap sap, taking seven prisoners, and capturing weapons and supplies. Rebel trench raiders and defenders were adept at constructing and using improvised hand grenades. Raids by Logan's cavalry were also made against Union positions outside the siege lines. On June 3 an advance by Grierson's Union cavalry against Logan's position at Clinton was repulsed. The 14th New York Cavalry was hit on June 15 near Newport, two miles from Port Hudson. Other raids struck Union foraging parties returning from Jackson, Louisiana, and captured the Union General Neal Dow, who was convalescing at Heath plantation. The biggest raid set fire to the Union supply center at Springfield Landing on July 2. These raids were annoying to Banks, but could not break the siege. On July 3, a countermine was exploded near one of the Federal mines under the Priests Cap. This collapsed the mine, but surprisingly did not cause any Union casualties. The defenders could not compensate for the constant losses of personnel resulting from starvation, disease, particularly scurvy, dysentery, and malaria, sniping, shell fragments, sunstroke and desertion. The use of mule meat and rats as rations could not maintain the health of the soldiers left standing, and was a further drain on morale. [36]

The siege created hardships and deprivations for both the North and South, but by early July the Confederates were in much worse shape. They had exhausted practically all of their food supplies and ammunition, and fighting and disease had greatly reduced the number of men able to defend the trenches. When Maj. Gen. Gardner learned that Vicksburg had surrendered on July 4, 1863, he realized that his situation was hopeless and that nothing could be gained by continuing. The terms of surrender were negotiated, and on July 9, 1863, the Confederates laid down their weapons, ending 48 days of continuous fighting. It had been the longest siege in US military history. [37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42]

Captain Thornton A. Jenkins accepted the Confederate surrender, as Admiral David Farragut was in New Orleans.

The surrender and that of Vicksburg gave the Union complete control of the Mississippi River and its major tributaries, severing communications and trade between the eastern and western states of the Confederacy. [43]

Both sides had suffered heavy casualties: between 4,700 and 5,200 Union men were casualties, and an additional 4,000 fell prey to disease or sunstroke Gardner's forces suffered around 900 casualties, from battle losses and disease. Banks granted lenient terms to the Port Hudson garrison. The enlisted men were paroled to their homes, with transport for the sick and lightly wounded. Seriously sick or wounded were placed under Union medical care. 5,935 men and civilian employees of the Confederate Army were officially paroled. 405 officers were not paroled and were sent as prisoners to Memphis and New Orleans, half eventually winding up in Johnson's Island prison camp in Ohio. Since the terms of the parole were not in agreement with parole conditions acceptable to the Union and Confederate armies then current, the Confederate Army furloughed the returned troops until September 15, 1863, then returned them to duty. This outraged some leaders of the Union army, but General Halleck, in charge of US armies, admitted the paroles were in error. [44]

The reputation of black soldiers in Union service was enhanced by the siege. The advance of the Louisiana Guard on May 27 had gained much coverage in northern newspapers. The attack was repulsed, due to its hasty implementation, but was bravely carried out in spite of the hopeless magnitude of opposing conditions. This performance was noted by the army leadership. In a letter home, Captain Robert F. Wilkinson wrote, "One thing I am glad to say, that is that the black troops at P. Hudson fought & acted superbly. The theory of negro inefficiency is, I am very thankful at last thoroughly exploded by facts. We shall shortly have a splendid army of thousands of them." General Banks also noted their performance in his official report, stating, "The severe test to which they were subjected, and the determined manner in which they encountered the enemy, leaves upon my mind no doubt of their ultimate success." These reports had an impact far from Louisiana, or the Union army. On June 11, 1863, an editorial from the influential and widely read New York Times stated, "They were comparatively raw troops, and were yet subjected to the most awful ordeal… The men, white or black, who will not flinch from that, will flinch from nothing. It is no longer possible to doubt the bravery and steadiness of the colored race, when rightly led." These observations did much to support abolitionist efforts in the northeast to recruit free blacks for the Union armed services. By the end of the war nearly 200,000 blacks had served in the Union forces. [45]

A significant result of the siege was the blow it gave Banks's political ambitions. If Banks had overrun the position in May, he could then have taken command of Grant's siege of Vicksburg as the ranking officer and appeared a hero. [46] This would have redeemed his military reputation, and bolstered his political hopes for a presidential candidacy. Since Vicksburg fell before Port Hudson, Grant reaped the promotions and reputation for victory in the west, and eventually attained the White House, Banks's cherished ambition. As it was, Banks had to settle for setting up cotton deals for his northeast constituency, and arrange political alliances for a new state government aligned with Union and Republican interests in mind. He was quite experienced in this kind of scheming, and in the absence of military opportunities, economic advantages beckoned. Banks's armies had gathered $3 million worth of livestock and supplies while engaged in operations in western Louisiana in the spring of 1863. This bounty impressed Banks, and it was also estimated that vast stores of cotton and many Union sympathizers were waiting on the Red River in eastern Texas. In response to these observations, Banks produced his one third holding plan, the idea of re-opening trade with Europe, and diverting one third of the proceeds for the Federal Treasury. This economic bonanza would once again revive his political prospects, and justify the beginning of the Red River Campaign, a military expedition into eastern Texas, the next step in military operations in Louisiana. [47] [48]

After the war, a small number of former soldiers were awarded the Medal of Honor for their actions at Port Hudson, including George Mason Lovering of the 4th Massachusetts.

The Civil War Trust (a division of the American Battlefield Trust) and its partners have acquired and preserved 256 acres of the Port Hudson Battlefield. [49]


Blogs

Historic civil rights sites such as the home of Medgar Evers in Jackson are memorialized on the Mississippi Freedom Trail, a network of more than two-dozen markers where visitors can witness how pivotal events in Mississippi changed the world.

Now, the U.S. Civil Rights Trail provides a new entry point for visitors to explore these stories, alongside other noted landmarks of the movement across 14 states. A virtual roadmap of history includes an interactive map, videos and background for sites in Mississippi.

The U.S. Civil Rights Trail recognizes the work of James Meredith at the University of Mississippi in Oxford and Fannie Lou Hamer in Ruleville, where statues and Mississippi Freedom Trail markers serve as monuments to their lives.

Multiple sites important to the Emmett Till legacy are also featured on the U.S. Civil Rights Trail, including the Emmett Till Interpretive Center in Sumner, the Emmett Till Historic Intrepid Center in Glendora and a Mississippi Freedom Trail marker outside the former Bryant’s Grocery. Additional locations include the Canton Freedom House Civil Rights Museum, Tougaloo College in Jackson commemorating the Tougaloo Nine and sites related to the Freedom Summer in Philadelphia, Miss.

Start your tour with a visit to the new, interactive Mississippi Civil Rights Museum in Museum of Mississippi History, where the state is shining a light on its rich and complex history, and embark on a journey of discovery with these suggested African-American Heritage itineraries.


Divje živali

The Mississippi River and its floodplain are home to a diverse population of living things:

Forty percent of the nation's migratory waterfowl use the river corridor during their spring and fall migration.

Sixty percent of all North American birds (326 species) use the Mississippi River Basin as their migratory flyway. Learn more about birds of the Mississippi River in the Minnesota area.

From Cairo, IL upstream to Lake Itasca there are 38 documented species of mussel. On the Lower Mississippi, there may be as many as 60 separate species of mussel. Learn more about mussels of the upper Mississippi River.

The Upper Mississippi is host to more than 50 mammal species

At least 145 species of amphibians and reptiles inhabit the Upper Mississippi River environs.

Wildlife is abundant within the Mississippi National River and Recreation Area. Find out more about our wildlife.


About this Collection

Contains 623 maps chosen from more than 3,000 railroad maps and about 2,000 regional, state, and county maps, and other maps which show "internal improvements" of the past century. The maps presented here are a selection from the Geography and Map Division holdings, based on the popular cartobibliography, Railroad Maps of the United States: A Selective Annotated Bibliography of Original 19th-century Maps in the Geography and Map Division of the Library of Congress, compiled by Andrew M. Modelski (Washington: Library of Congress, 1975). This annotated list reveals the scope of the railroad map collection and highlights the development of railroad mapping in 19th-century America.

The Railroad maps represent an important historical record, illustrating the growth of travel and settlement as well as the development of industry and agriculture in the United States. They depict the development of cartographic style and technique, highlighting the achievement of early railroaders. Included in the collection are progress report surveys for individual lines, official government surveys, promotional maps, maps showing land grants and rights-of-way, and route guides published by commercial firms.

To satisfy Americans' keen interest in the routes of railroads, cartographers have shown rail lines on maps since the first tracks were laid in the United States. There are in the collections of the Library of Congress thousands of American railroad maps as well as numerous general maps showing railroad routes as part of the transportation network. The maps, which are in the custody of the Geography and Map Division, vary widely in area, content, and scale. Some cover major segments of our country and depict the interrelationship of various modes of transportation. Others resemble contemporary strip road maps and show only a ribbon of land immediately adjacent to a specific railroad right-of-way.

The Library's holdings include railroad maps issued for a variety of purposes. Among the collections are official printed government surveys conducted to determine the most practical railroad routes, Pacific Railroad Surveys, U.S. General Land Office maps which show land grants to railroads, surveys for specific rights-of-way, and general surveys prepared to accompany progress reports of individual railroads. Other maps were published specifically to promote particular lines, some of which were never built. Also represented in the collection are maps issued by commercial publishers, intended for ticket agents and the public, as route guides to encourage commerce and travel to the newly settled areas west of the Mississippi River.

The maps selected represent a profile of the development of cartographic style and technique and are not intended to inventory all maps in the division which show railroads. The list does reflect, however, the important achievements of early railroaders in reaching their ultimate goal of providing a transportation network spanning the country and linking the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

The list includes only separate printed and manuscript maps preserved in the Geography and Map Division. Excluded are photocopies, facsimiles, atlases, and maps which are included in annual railroad company reports or which illustrate volumes classed elsewhere in the Library of Congress.


The 70 Million-Year-Old History of the Mississippi River

In 1758, the French ethnographer Antoine-Simon Le Page du Pratz published The History of Louisiana, in which he wrote that the Mississippi River’s name meant “the ancient father of rivers.” Though his etymology was off—the Ojibwe words that gave us Mississippi (Misi-ziibi) actually mean “long river”—the idea has proven durable. “Ol’ Man River” buoyed Show Boat, the 1927 musical by Jerome Kern and Oscar Hammerstein II. During the 1937 flood, Raymond Daniell wrote in the New York Times about frantic efforts to raise barriers “faster than old man river could rise.”

Sorodna vsebina

Now it appears that the Mississippi is far older than Le Page thought, and it used to be far bigger than the Ojibwe could have imagined. And it might even become that big again in the future.

These are the extraordinary new findings unearthed by geologists including Sally Potter-McIntyre at Southern Illinois University, Michael Blum at the University of Kansas and Randel Cox at the University of Memphis, whose work is helping us better understand the monumental events, beginning in late Cretaceous North America, that gave rise to the Mississippi, swelling it to gargantuan proportions.

An 1832 expedition led by Henry Schoolcraft identified the Mississippi’s source as Lake Itasca in Minnesota. (Courtesy Minneapolis Institute of Art)

In the late Cretaceous, around 80 million years ago, a mountain chain spanned the southern portion of the continent, blocking southbound water flows, so most North American rivers flowed to the Western Interior Sea or north to Canada’s Hudson Bay. Eventually, a gap in those mountains formed, opening a path for the river we now know as the Mississippi to flow to the Gulf of Mexico. Scientists call that gap the Mississippi Embayment, but the rest of us know it as the Mississippi Delta, the vast flood plain that stretches from southern Missouri to northern Louisiana. As recently as 2014, geological consensus held that the Mississippi began flowing through the embayment around 20 million years ago. But in 2018, Potter-McIntyre and her team concluded, based on the age of zircon fragments they excavated from sandstone in southern Illinois, that the river began flowing much earlier—some 70 million years ago. The Mississippi was thus born when dinosaurs still roamed the planet one can almost picture an alamosaurus bending its prodigious neck to drink from its waters. By contrast, the Missouri River, in its current form, dates back a mere two million years. Old Man River, indeed.

Still, 70 million years ago the Mississippi was nowhere near as large as it would become. Blum has detailed how the waterway grew as it added tributaries: the Platte, Arkansas and Tennessee rivers by the late Paleocene, then the Red River by the Oligocene. Around 60 million years ago, the Mississippi was collecting water from the Rockies to the Appalachians by four million years ago, its watershed had extended into Canada, and the Mississippi had grown to an enormous size, carrying four to eight times as much water as it does today, Cox and colleagues have found. “This was a giant river, on the order of the Amazon,” said Cox.

So the river’s larger-than-life role in culture was perhaps inevitable. Until the early 19th century, the Mississippi marked the western border between Spanish and American territory, and it continues to give life to the cities that sprang up along its route. After Union forces captured Vicksburg, Mississippi, in 1863, President Abraham Lincoln saw the emancipated river as a symbol of a nation unified: “The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea,” he wrote. Mark Twain, the best publicist a river ever had, inspired 150 years’ worth of dreams about floating away from our troubles. And among members of the Ojibwe, Dakota and Chitimacha tribes, who still live on portions of ancestral lands in the Mississippi Valley, a spiritual connection to the river remains strong. In 2013, Nibi Walk, a group of Indigenous women walked 1,500 miles along the Mississippi to advocate for clean water—an issue of vital importance to the 18 million Americans who get their drinking water from the river.

The river’s famed fluctuations have shaped American urbanization, too. The Great Flood of 1927 accelerated the Great Migration, as African Americans, disproportionately displaced, sought economic opportunity in cities such as Chicago and Detroit. “Old Mississippi River, what a fix you left me in,” Bessie Smith sings in “Homeless Blues,” one of many songs about the 1927 flood. That disaster also ushered in an era of unprecedented public works, as the federal government sought to remake the river into a predictable route for moving bulk necessities like corn and coal.

The mighty river has inspired more than a thousand songs since 1900, including “Big River” by Johnny Cash and “Proud Mary,” in which John Fogerty (echoed later by Tina Turner) observes that “people on the river are happy to give.” That truism is confirmed every year, when people who live along the Mississippi offer a meal and a shower to the dozens of strangers who test themselves against Old Man River by paddling small boats from Minnesota to the Gulf of Mexico.

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This article is a selection from the September issue of Smithsonian magazine


Poglej si posnetek: Informatii Incendiare Atac Virulent La Adresa Lui Klaus Iohannis Dezvaluiri Fara Precedent (Julij 2022).


Komentarji:

  1. He-Lush-Ka

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  3. Dorrell

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